Children and family values : a critical appraisal of \u27family\u27 in schools

Prompted by the Labour government\u27s proposal to introduce education on family relationships into the National Curriculum, this research project was set up to investigate how teachers portrayed \u27family\u27 within the classroom and the reactions that children had to the images that were presented. The intention was to highlight any problems that might arise from including \u27family\u27 into the formal curriculum. The fieldwork was conducted in three primary and three secondary schools. Two of each of the schools were located in the West Country and the remaining two, in order to give some ethnic and cultural balance to the project, were in the West Midlands. A total of sixteen teachers and forty children were involved. In each school, three topics or lessons that concerned \u27family\u27 were observed during the course of one academic year; this was followed by interviews with the teachers, to ascertain their intentions within the lesson, and with the pupils, to gain their reaction. Final interviews with each of the children encouraged them to reflect on what they had learned about \u27family\u27 during the year. Government documents concerned with family education suggest an agreement on the values on which family should be based and appear to regard family as an uncomplicated concept. The data collected, however, indicate that \u27family\u27 is regarded by teachers as a complex and sensitive subject that should be approached with caution. In addition pupils show a variety of reactions to the lessons, ranging from anger and distress to ready acceptance. The project\u27s contribution to knowledge is therefore to demonstrate some of the complexities that are involved in teaching about \u27family\u27 and to inform one aspect of the ongoing debate on values education within Britain

Children and family values : a critical appraisal of 'family' in schools

Prompted by the Labour government's proposal to introduce education on family relationships into the National Curriculum, this research project was set up to investigate how teachers portrayed 'family' within the classroom and the reactions that children had to the images that were presented. The intention was to highlight any problems that might arise from including 'family' into the formal curriculum. The fieldwork was conducted in three primary and three secondary schools. Two of each of the schools were located in the West Country and the remaining two, in order to give some ethnic and cultural balance to the project, were in the West Midlands. A total of sixteen teachers and forty children were involved. In each school, three topics or lessons that concerned 'family' were observed during the course of one academic year; this was followed by interviews with the teachers, to ascertain their intentions within the lesson, and with the pupils, to gain their reaction. Final interviews with each of the children encouraged them to reflect on what they had learned about 'family' during the year. Government documents concerned with family education suggest an agreement on the values on which family should be based and appear to regard family as an uncomplicated concept. The data collected, however, indicate that 'family' is regarded by teachers as a complex and sensitive subject that should be approached with caution. In addition pupils show a variety of reactions to the lessons, ranging from anger and distress to ready acceptance. The project's contribution to knowledge is therefore to demonstrate some of the complexities that are involved in teaching about 'family' and to inform one aspect of the ongoing debate on values education within Britain.University of Plymout

Primary Teacher Education in England: Forty Years On

This article examines the relationship between pre-service teacher education (ITE) for primary schooling and primary teaching in England between 1974 and 2014 and explores the ‘fitness of purpose’ of the current system of preparing teachers for the classrooms of the twenty-first century. Our historical analysis suggests that, despite forty years of change in ITE, there are still a number of unresolved issues in ITE. These include: how to prepare for the multi-subject, class teacher role which the majority of primary teachers still undertake; how to equip future teachers to deal with the social and emotional aspects of primary teaching; how to ensure that they are creative and flexible practitioners, able to cope with the demands of future curricula, pedagogical changes and the new roles and responsibilities which will inevitably occur during the course of their teaching careers in the next decades of this century; and how to structure ITE to provide adequate long term foundations for the necessary professional development as a teacher

Large but Local: Understanding the Challenge for Educationally Isolated Schools. A Case Study of a Multi Academy Trust ‘Hub School’ Model in the South West of England - Year One and Two Interim Report

Educational isolation is complex, grounded in location, situated in access to resources and results in reduced agency for schools. Educational isolation is defined as: A school experiencing limited access to resources for school improvement, resulting from challenges of school location (Ovenden-Hope and Passy, 20191). The challenge of location is particularly strong for schools in rural and coastal areas. The image of an idyllic country or seaside life, with strong community support for the local schools2, continues but is not necessarily the whole picture; some coastal and rural areas have high levels of deprivation, their schools can be isolated from different kinds of support for teaching and learning, and community members do not always support their local school. A powerful indicator of the challenges that can be faced in schools in coastal and/or rural locations is demonstrated in an analysis of the 2014 GCSE outcomes of pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds, which showed that, as schools’ relative geographical isolation increased, so the average attainment of disadvantaged pupils decreased3. A more recent report suggested that this has not changed: For a given level of deprivation, the attainment levels of pupils living in rural areas were lower than for pupils living in urban areas with a similar level of deprivation. (Department for Education, Rural Education and Childcare, 20184) At the same time, the government’s focus for schools has been predominantly on densely populated and often disadvantaged urban areas5 which, in turn, has encouraged educational researchers to focus on the same areas. This means that the difficulties faced by schools in rural, coastal and isolated locations have been relatively under-researched, and that there is little wider appreciation of the challenges they face. This project is a direct response to the issue of under-researching Educational Isolation. Researchers from Plymouth Marjon University and the University of Plymouth are grateful for the opportunity to research in collaboration with a medium-sized multi�academy trust (MAT) in a rural and coastal part of the South-West of England. The aims of the study are first, to explore the concept of Educational Isolation in depth and secondly, to examine how its effects might be mitigated by the hub school model adopted by this MAT

Coastal Academies: Changing School Culture in Disadvantaged Coastal Regions in England

The increase in the number and type of academies, together with the development of academy chains, is arguably the most significant recent development in educational policy in England. The programme’s origins lie in the City Technology Colleges (CTCs), introduced from 1987 as a response to concerns that secondary education was failing in its task to provide a trained workforce. Unlike other state-maintained schools, CTCs were independent of local authority (LA) supervision, were owned by not-for-profit bodies which were expected to contribute substantial sums towards costs, and had a contractual agreement with the government to deliver education. This funding structure was:… a significant movement away from local authority control of schools,with more emphasis placed on autonomy, thus representing a key pointof departure from previous policies (West and Bailey, 2013, p.141). The idea of CTCs proved difficult to implement, however, and few sponsors were attracted to the programme. But by 2000 the then Labour government had returned to the idea of CTCs in the form of city academies, this time to tackle persistent underperformance in the most challenging urban secondary school settings (Chapman, 2013). Autonomy from local authorities was seen in this case as providing the freedom to generate the kind of entrepreneurial leadership that was more usually associated with private sector business, and that this would lead to substantial improvement in educational standards in those areas (Woods et al, 2007). Subsequently, the Coalition government has expanded the programme as a solution to raising educational standards in primary and secondary schools across the system, with the result that the Academies Commission describes four types of academy currently in existence: Sponsored Converter Enforced sponsor Free schools (Pearson/RSA, 2013). Rising from a total of 203 academies in 2010, there are now 2,109 secondary academies, and 2,569 primary academies (DfE, 2015). Academies can operate as a stand-alone school (or single academy trust) or become part of an academy chain of under the control of a Strategic Management Executive (or multiple academy trust); in November 2012 there were 312 academy chains, and 39 per cent of academies belonged to a chain (Pearson/RSA, 2013, p.17). Despite the increase in numbers, academies remain highly controversial. For those on the right of the political spectrum, academies are seen as a means to increase choice within the education system by promoting innovation and injecting new freedoms, energy and ideas (Chapman, 2013), while for those on the left, academies are regarded as a form of privatisation of the education service that will lead to greater social segregation (Machin and Vernoit, 2011). Other issues relate to potential conflicts of interest within academy trusts, trusts that are getting into financial difficulties (Greany and Scott, 2014) and the debate on Ofsted’s potential role in inspecting the management of academy chains in the same way as it inspects local authorities (e.g. BBC news, January 2015). In addition, and despite some ‘impressive results’ in turning round the examination performance of some academies in particularly challenging circumstances (Chapman, 2013, p.336), the overall impact of academies has been difficult to assess (e.g. DfE, 2012; Machin and Venoit, 2011), partly because of frequent changes to the programme during its existence. These controversies make research into the challenges that academies face and the way that their leaders respond particularly important; as a central plank of government policy, it is critical that we understand the leadership and management of these independent, autonomous schools. This is particularly the case for coastal academies, which have a range of issues similar to those of inner-city schools, but have been relatively neglected in terms of policy strategy and research. We define ‘coastal academies’ as first phase academies (state secondary schools converted to academy status due to poor student performance) located in seaside towns/cities (coastal regions) in England. There are signs, however, that the Coalition government began to recognise the extent of poverty in coastal regions: Many seaside towns and villages have suffered decades of economic decline. Many young people, for example, have moved away from coastal areas due to a lack of job opportunities. We need to invest in coastal towns to help their economies grow and reduce unemployment and deprivation (Department for Communities and Local Government, 2012). Recently Ofsted (Ofsted, 2013; see also Weale, 2014) have also identified a link between student performance and ‘deprived coastal towns’, with a realisation that these areas have ‘felt little impact from national initiatives designed to drive up the standards for the poorest children’ (Ofsted, 2013). Our project aims to highlight the educational challenges faced by academies in socio-economically deprived coastal regions and thereby contribute to filling the research gap in this area

Exploring school leadership in coastal schools: ‘getting a fair deal’ for students in disadvantaged communities

This paper is a response to an earlier article in the Journal of Education Policy, which calls for ‘new ideas and constructive principles and practices for the provision of socially-just education’. We first discuss how an economistic approach to education entrenches socioeconomic disadvantage and argue that, in the light of evidence that inequalities are increasing both nationally and internationally, it has become increasingly important that we understand models of social justice in schools in deprived locations. Reporting on original longitudinal research with schools in disadvantaged coastal areas in England, and drawing on the notion of the insistent affirmation of possibility, we then discuss three dimensions of active social justice undertaken by participating school leaders. By examining practical examples of social justice, we aim to shift the debate into more positive territory, in which there can be more appreciation of the efforts and outcomes of some leaders in highly disadvantaged areas and more leaders can take heart in following their example

Locality Matters: Understanding the challenge of how to support educationally isolated schools - A case study of a multi-academy trusts 'Hub Model' for schools (2019-

Executive Summary The concept of Educational Isolation refers to a situation in which a school has limited access to resources because of the challenges related to its location. The combined elements of geographical remoteness, socioeconomic deprivation and cultural isolation in the school’s area have a direct effect on teacher recruitment, retention, staff development, school to school support and external opportunities for additional funding. Educational Isolation affects pupil outcomes In England, Educational Isolation is common in rural and coastal areas, where poverty and social exclusion are significant concerns. Location matters. Rural and coastal areas in England face infrastructural challenges, socioeconomic issues, and limited employment opportunities, negatively affecting housing, transport, technology, and leisure. In 2020, 19% of all primary and 16% of secondary schools in England were in a rural-coastal location. Pupils from persistently disadvantaged backgrounds in rural-coastal school have lower attainment at the end of secondary schooling than pupils from similar backgrounds in urban schools. This report shares findings from a three-year research project (2019 – 2022) focused on a ‘hub model’ for schools implemented in a Multi-Academy Trust (MAT, also referred to as Trust) consisting of 20 primary schools in the South West of England. The Hub model was used to geographically group schools into smaller units for school-to-school support with the aim of reducing the negative effects of Educational Isolation experienced by many of the schools. The research team interviewed senior leaders within the MAT, including headteachers, Hub Leads, the outgoing and incoming CEOs, and the COO, each year for three years. The MAT's vision was to give a better education to children through the sharing of resources, expertise, and knowledge at a local level. The CEO believed that smaller groups of schools – hubs of schools - could achieve this vision. The key successes of the Hub model for the MAT were: • The development of trusted, supportive local relationships. • Collaboration within the Hubs to the benefit of the whole MAT. • Quality of communication. Developing supportive, trusted relationships was considered the most significant success of the Hub model. School leaders appreciating the non-judgmental, local support that helped reduce feelings of isolation inherent in a school leader role (feelings exacerbated by geographical remoteness from other schools). Collaboration was also considered a great achievement of the Hub model for sharing knowledge, expertise, and resources, particularly during the pandemic and with schools in close geographical proximity that understood the context of the community. The ethos of sharing and supporting matured and flourished during the three years of the Hub model. School leaders were pleased with the quality of communication throughout the MAT, which facilitated better coordination and alignment of policy and practice across schools. Ofsted visits were a key area where communication, collaboration and resource-sharing occurred. Overall, school leaders in the MAT expressed support for the Hub model and a desire to make it work. However, challenges of the Hub model were identified and related to three broad themes: • Context • Clarity • Capacity The context of each Hub of schools was different, with some hubs having more geographical distance between schools, some having schools with differing contexts e.g. size and faith, and other having differential experience of headteachers; which resulted in some cases in a lack of sharing of expertise within Hubs, uneven opportunities for CPD, and a need for more rigour in school improvement processes at MAT level. The Hub Lead role was seen to lack clarity, with Hub Leads required to undertake multiple roles e.g., as headteacher as well as Hub Lead, and the conflicting priorities that can arise from this. Line management was also raised as a concern by school leaders, who were unsure of the Hub Lead role in the appraisal process. Capacity was another issue raised, with school leaders expressing concerns over Hub Leads’ workload, and headteachers being pulled away from their responsibilities for Hub meetings or visits. Most school leaders interviewed agreed that the Hub model would benefit from review, particularly with the increase in the number of schools joining the MAT in the next academic year. Identifying best practices within Hubs and sharing that information across the MAT was seen as a way to bring more rigour to the school improvement processes. The appointment of a new CEO and COO during the last year of this research project, and the announcement of a new White Paper by the Department for Education, brought changes to the MAT. The White Paper requires MATs to meet certain criteria to be considered a 'strong Trust', including providing robust CPD routes, high standards of curriculum, attendance, and behaviour, targeted catch-up support. The Hub model was seen to contribute to this in part. The new CEO and COO had an embryonic vision to address policy direction, which included introducing a fifth Hub, creating networks for small and church schools, separating the school improvement model from the Hub model, and possibly bringing in subject networks for school improvement. The findings suggest that the Hub model is able to mitigate the effects of Educational Isolation in different ways. Putting the schools into small, geographically focused hubs of school supported the MAT in reducing the effects of geographical remoteness, creating formal connections for staff development, sharing of resources (including teachers) and opportunities to work together to submit applications for innovative external funding. The sharing of ideas for more effective school improvement helped to mitigate elements of socioeconomic deprivation in school communities, such a lower attainment. This included schools working together in their Hub to provide new opportunities for children that widened their experiences to raise aspirations. It also reduced cultural isolation, an issue that was particularly difficult to address during the pandemic years because of the restrictions on movement. Headteachers, Hub Leads, and executive leaders in the MAT agreed on the successes and challenges of the Hub model for supporting Educationally Isolated schools. The key message is that small groups of schools working together in commutable geographic proximity supports school improvement. Our recommendation is that large MATs with Educationally Isolated schools consider a hub model as it supports school leaders accessing the resources needed for school improvement at a local level. We also recommend that policy leaders recognise and respond to needs of Educationally Isolated schools. Locality matters

Qualitative Longitudinal Research in Education

Longitudinal studies usually involve collecting statistical data over time from the same or a similar group of respondents. The ‘Class of 2010’ project is a qualitative longitudinal research study (QLR) into the changes experienced by one school that converted to academy status in 2010 due to challenging circumstances. Under the Labour administration of 1997–2010, converting schools into academies was designed, first, to challenge the culture of underachievement in areas of high deprivation and, second, to encourage schools to play a part in local community regeneration. We were interested in the experience of the first students starting at the new academy. We were also interested in the changing aims and priorities of the academy leadership, the perceptions that teachers had of working there and the progress of the student cohort we were studying. We started the research in the summer of 2011 when our Class of 2010 were at the end of Year 7. We visited the school at a similar time each year until 2015 to interview senior leadership, teaching staff and a sample of pupils. In this article, we consider the importance of QLR and some methodological issues for our project. This should enable you to identify the strengths and weaknesses of this research method

Educational Isolation: A challenge for schools in England

Educational isolation is complex, grounded in location, situated in access to resources and results in reduced agency for schools. 'Educational Isolation: a challenge for schools in England' aims to provide an understanding of this complexity through a considered definition of ‘educational isolation’ and to support schools in accessing resources for school improvement through recommendations for policy makers, funding agencies/organisations and stakeholders. Part of the complexity is that educational isolation is experienced by schools in different ways. This fluidity makes definition difficult, and the one presented in the report is purposefully broad to encompass the many combinations of challenges of location and consequential limited access to specific resources