575 research outputs found
Alternative Dispute Resolution and the Magistrateâs Courts in Ghana: A Case of Practical Hybridity
In our previous Working Paper (Crook et al., 2010) we argued that, contrary to current stereotypes of state justice in Africa, state courts and paralegal institutions in Ghana are providing forms of civil dispute resolution which are popular, reasonably accessible and congruent with the expectations and values which ordinary citizens have about justice. The Magistrateâs (District) Courts and the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) in particular were found to be offering the remedies which people wanted for different kinds of disputes, using procedures which were both informal (hence comprehensible) and seen as fair or impartial, in accordance with popular definitions of fairness as a âbalanced processâ.
In the case of the CHRAJ, its dispute resolution service is based on the use of a modern and internationally accepted form of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) which focuses on mediation and the construction of mutually accepted agreements between individual disputing parties. The Magistrateâs Courts, however, offer a much broader range of procedures and codes of settlement combining formal legal remedies and application of statute, common and customary laws with informal procedures, and the opportunity to use ADR if chosen by the litigants. The hybridity of the Magistrateâs Courts provides an opportunity to investigate further the differences between court adjudications, which no matter how informal or user-friendly, are bound by formal law, and ADR.DFIDIrish Ai
The State and Accessible Justice in Africa: is Ghana Unique?
The provision of legitimate and accessible justice for its citizens is one of the fundamental duties of a well-governed state. But throughout Africa the institutions of state justice are struggling to overcome problems of overload and delay, perceptions of corruption and popular distrust. Current policy prescriptions to improve access to justice are dominated by the belief that non-state, customary or informal âalternative dispute resolutionâ (ADR) systems provide the best solutions. But research by Africa Power and Politics (APPP) in Ghana challenges this new orthodoxy. The findings suggest that the state can and does provide ADR-type accessible justice at local level that aligns with popular beliefs and expectations
State, Society and Political Institutions in CĂŽte d'Ivoire and Ghana
Summary Ghana and Cote d'Ivoire have much in common, but their histories since independence have diverged. The conventional explanation for this divergence, which stresses contrasting economic politics, is less convincing than one which focuses on state?society relations and state capacity. Endemic political instability in Ghana has undermined the ability of successive governments to implement any economic policy. Cote d'Ivoire, by contrast, has experienced much greater stability which has made it possible for the regime to control, tax and yet encourage the expansion of peasant export and trading economies. There are marked differences in the relative âbalanceâ and âproportionâ between state and society in the two countries. The Ivorian political elite has created an administrative and security machine which is out of all proportion to the small size and weakness of civil society. In Ghana, civil society has always been numerically larger, more autonomous and far more well?organised. The Ghanaian state, despite being more thoroughly integrated with civil society than its Ivorian counterpart, has not been able to maintain sufficient autonomy from or control over civil society to implement policies effectively. Ghana's state may, however, be better able to cope with future stresses and to make creative innovations than will the Ivorian state. The political stability that the latter has maintained has entailed the smothering of civic consciousness which has caused citizens to view the state as an alien entity. Such citizens will be more difficult to draw into productive interaction with the state than will their counterparts in Ghana. RĂ©sumĂ© L'Etat, la SociĂ©tĂ© et les Institutions Politiques au Ghana et en CĂŽte d'Ivoire Le Ghana et la CĂŽte d'Ivoire ont beaucoup en commun, mais leur histoire depuis l'indĂ©pendence diffĂšre. L'explication conventionelle de cette diffĂ©rence, qui met l'accent sur le contraste de leurs politiques Ă©conomiques, est moins convaincante que celle dont l'accent est mis sur les relations Ă©tat?sociĂ©tĂ© et les aptitudes de l'Ă©tat. L'instabilitĂ© politique endĂ©mique au Ghana a amenuisĂ© la possibilitĂ© pour les gouvernements successifs d'appliquer des politiques Ă©conomiques. La CĂŽte d'Ivoire, par contre, a connu une plus grande stabilitĂ© ce qui a permis au rĂ©gime d'exercer un contrĂŽle, de taxer mais en mĂȘme temps encourager l'augmentation des exportations de produits ruraux et des Ă©conomies de commerce. Il existe des divergeances importantes dans le relatif âĂ©quilibreâ et la relative âproportionâ entre l'Ă©tat et la sociĂ©tĂ© dans les deux pays. L'Ă©lite politique ivoirienne a crĂ©Ă© une machine administrative et de sĂ©curitĂ© d'une taille disproportionnĂ©e en comparaison de la petite taille et la faiblesse de sa sociĂ©tĂ© civile. Au Ghana, la sociĂ©tĂ© civile a toujours Ă©tĂ© numĂ©riquement plus nombreuse, plus autonome et beaucoup mieux organisĂ©e. L'Ă©tat ghanĂ©en, bien qu'Ă©tant mieux intĂ©grĂ© dans la sociĂ©tĂ© civile que son partenaire ivoirien, n'a pas Ă©tĂ© capable de maintenir une indĂ©pendence et un contrĂŽle suffisants vis Ă vis de la sociĂ©tĂ© civile pour pouvoir appliquer les politiques de façon efficace. L'Ă©tat ghanĂ©en sera cependant peut?ĂȘtre plus apte Ă faire face aux problĂšmes futurs et effectuer des changements positifs que l'Ă©tat ivoirien. La stabilitĂ© politique que ce dernier a maintenu, a entrainĂ© l'Ă©touffement de la conscience civique, ce qui a amenĂ© les citoyens Ă considĂ©rer l'Ă©tat comme une entitĂ© Ă©trangĂšre. Il sera plus difficile de faire participer de tels citoyens dans un dialogue productif avec l'Ă©tat que ce ne sera pour son partenaire ghanĂ©en. Resumen Estado, Sociedad e Instituciones PolĂticas en Ghana y la Costa de Marfil Ghana y la Costa de Marfil tienen mucho en comĂșn, sin embargo, desde su independencia su historia ha sido muy divergente. La explicaciĂłn convencional de esta divergencia que acentĂșa polĂticas econĂłmicas opuestas, no es tan convincente como la que acentĂșa las relaciones estado?sociedad y la capacidad del estado. La endĂ©mica inestabilidad polĂtica en Ghana ha dañado la habilidad de gobiernos sucesivos para implementar cualquier polĂtica econĂłmica. La Costa de Marfil, por el contrario, ha experimentado mucha mĂĄs estabilidad, lo que ha permitido al rĂ©gimen controlar, tasar, y al mismo tiempo, fomentar la expansiĂłn de las exportaciones rurales y las economĂas del comercio. Existen en ambos paĂses diferencias importantes en el relativo âbalanceâ y la relativa âproporciĂłnâ entre el estado y la sociedad. La elite polĂtica de la Costa de Marfil ha creado una maquinaria administrativa y de seguridad completamente a un nivel desproporcionado al tamaño y a la debilidad de su sociedad civil. En Ghana, la sociedad civil ha sido siempre numĂ©ricamente mĂĄs grande, mĂĄs autĂłnoma, y mucho mejor organizada. El estado de Ghana, a pesar de estar mejor integrado con la sociedad civil que el estado de la Costa de Marfil, ha sido incapaz de mantenar la suficiente autonomĂa o control sobre la sociedad civil que le permita implementar sus polĂticas eficientemente. El estado de Ghana, sin embargo, puede que estĂ© mejor capacitado que el de la Costa de Marfil para enfrontar futuros problemas y para implementar innovaciones creativas. La estabilidad polĂtica que este Ășltimo pais ha mantenido, ha producido la supresiĂłn de conciencias cĂvicas, lo cual ha ocasionado que los ciudadanos vean el estado como una entidad extranjera. SerĂĄ mucho mĂĄs difĂcil que tales ciudadanos participen en un diĂĄlogo productivo con el estado, que los ciudadanos de Ghana
State courts and the regulation of land disputes in Ghana : the litigants' perspective
The majority of land in Ghana is still held under a diversity of customary tenures, embedded in family,
community and chiefly institutions; but land disputes may be adjudicated in a variety of institutions:
informal arbitrations and family tribunals, chiefsâ courts, quasi-legal state agencies and the formal state
courts. Current debates on how to protect the land rights of the majority of customary land holders
revolve around the respective merits of customary and non-state regulation (said to be accessible, flexible
and socially embedded) versus state systems, which are said to offer more certainty, impartiality and nondiscriminatory
codes and procedures. In Ghana, however, customary and state legal codes have been
integrated for some time, and the state courts, which are frequently used as first instance adjudicators,
apply customary rules. Does this mean that in Ghana the merits of customary law can be combined with
the certainty and enforceability of state court dispute settlement?
Based primarily on survey and interview data, the research analyses how litigants in three selected
state courts perceived the experience of taking their land cases to court. It was found that, in spite of the
problems and delays associated with the state courts, there was a very strong demand for authoritative and
enforceable settlements which only the state could provide. It was also found that the justice offered by
the state courts was not as alien or inappropriate as commonly supposed. Particularly in the Magistrates
Court, judges were well respected and their procedures seen as sufficiently flexible and user-friendly.
Moreover, the extreme reluctance to entertain out-of-court settlements casts doubt on the notion that
proposals to move to more use of ADRs (Alternative Dispute Resolutions) will be successful if they fail to
offer equivalent authority, fairness and enforceability.
Keywords: Ghana, Land, Litigation, Courts, Disputes, Land Law, Access to Justice, Legal Pluralis
Democratic Decentralisation, Clientelism and Local Taxation in Ghana
It is generally assumed by advocates of democratic decentralisation that maximising locally-raised revenue sources will help to enhance accountability through a closer and more legitimate relationship betweenthe local government authority and citizens. Research on Ghana and other African countries shows, however, that the dominance of clientelist forms of politics undermines the legitimacy of local taxation; where voters expect their representatives to provide specific pay-backs to themselves or their
communities in return for support and payment of tax, it is extremely difficult to establish a âcollective interestâ for the local government area. Citizens tend to interpret allocation decisions over expenditure of revenues as products of patronage relations rather than as a collective public good. This problem is especially acute where resources are very scarce and the revenue base limited. Central government transfers are, therefore, likely to remain the fairest and most effective way of financing local government in such contexts
"Toilet wars" : urban sanitation services and the politics of public-private partnerships in Ghana
There is a continuing debate over the value of public-partnerships in providing public services in poor urban areas. Many policy-makers in the developing countries have been persuaded that the main problem with established direct public service provision lies in principal-agent problems, i.e. the alleged lack of incentive for regularly-employed public servants to provide a good service. They have therefore sought to involve local communities, citizens and the private sector more directly in the management of services. This paper examines the impact of the new forms of partnership between the public authorities and private/citizen-based organisations on urban environmental sanitation in the two largest cities of Ghana â Accra and Kumasi. It traces the history of public toilet policies in the two cities and analyses the factors that contributed to their relative failure in poor neighbourhoods. Toilets consistently have been poorly managed and have been the site of local political conflicts â toilet wars â despite efforts at franchising them and involving communities in their management. This is attributable to the politics of patronage at the urban level, the relationship between city government patronage and community level groups, and the failure of regulation. Public-private partnerships have not worked. The provision of reasonable sanitation facilities may require: full public provision of basic infrastructure; transparent, independent and rigorous regulation of any contracts for service provision given to non-state agencies; and the enforcement of âconflict of interestâ laws applying to elected local representatives
Popular Concepts of Justice and Fairness in Ghana: Testing the Legitimacy of New or Hybrid Forms of State Justice
The provision of effective, legitimate, and accessible justice through judicial institutions and more generally through the ârule of lawâ is probably one of the most fundamental of all public goods expected from a well-governed state. By ârule of lawâ we mean more than just the current neo-liberal conception of a legal system which protects private property and facilitates the market economy. Rule of law refers to the provision of a justice system which sustains the security of all citizens, particularly the most vulnerable, protects against the exercise of arbitrary power by the state or the powerful, and provides for the public regulation of civil disputes in ways which are trusted. The idea that public officials are subject to legal and moral norms is particularly important in ex-colonial states where the state is often perceived as a tyrannical and arbitrary monster (cf. Young, 1994). In addition, state law is present in everyday life insofar as it uses the authority of the state to enforce, regulate or define social and economic relationships, from marriage and sexual behaviour through to economic exchange, the disposal of property and the power to command the services of others (Poggi, 1978; OâDonnell, 1999). In short, the degree of public trust in and the legitimacy of public judicial institutions directly underpins the legitimacy and trustworthiness of the state itself.UKAIDIrish Ai
Conclusion: Rethinking African Governance and Development
This article draws together the main strands of argument being developed by the Africa Power and Politics Programme (APPP), as reflected in this IDS Bulletin. The central question is what kinds of governance arrangements work better to support the provision of the public goods that are essential to sustained and inclusive development in Africa. Evidence at local, sectoral and national levels is pointing to the overall conclusion that what works is often a âpractical hybridâ, combining authoritative coordination with local problem?solving and constructive borrowing from local cultural repertoires. Consistent with the general idea of âgoing with the grainâ, we find that the most likely source of the necessary vertical discipline is a developmental form of neo?patrimonialism, not âgood governanceâ, as currently conceived. Similarly, local collective action to address bottlenecks in public goods provision is seldom enhanced by standard donor and NGO approaches to citizen or client empowerment
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