Taking City Regions Seriously? Response to Debate on 'City-Regions: New Geographies of Governance, Democracy and Social Reproduction'

This article takes up the invitation extended by the co-editors of the recent IJURR debate on city-regions for others to join them in 'a wider dialogue over the constitutive role of politics in the brave new world of 'city-regions'. It begins by considering the extent to which the collection was successful in describing this 'brave new world' and in populating it with the variety of social and environmental concerns which, the co-editors claimed, have so far been neglected in recent debates about the significance of city-regions. Adjudging the debate to have been only partially successful in these respects, the article goes on to argue that the goal the co-editors strove for - effectively to liberate 'city-regionalism' from its ostensible captors - is unlikely to be achieved unless and until its critics (1) engage more explicitly and seriously with claims that are made for the significance of changes in the material circumstances of city-regions, and (2) recognize that there is nothing inherently 'neoliberal' or regressive about the concept of the city-region or the way it is used. These arguments are illustrated with reference to the economics of city-regions and the politics of city-regionalism in England. Copyright (c) 2007 The Author. Journal Compilation (c) 2007 Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

The Rise of the Intermediate level Institution in British Public Administration: the case of the Arts and Training

During the 1980s there was both centralization and decentralization in the British policy process. The centre was to be responsible for broad policy whilst the institutions in closest contact with those who consumed or used a service were to be responsible for implementation. This style was, in part, a reaction to the perception that organized interests acted as a severe restraint on the centre. Experience, however, demonstrated government's dependence on the cooperation of organized interests and their intermediate organizations. This article argues that effective policy-making requires the formation of intermediate organizations linking macro- and micro-institutions. These organizations are vital for communication, representation and negotiation and therefore they inevitably constrain the centre's freedom. Effective policy requires a partnership between the centre and sub-centre via intermediate institutions and these institutions are likely to become more important as decentralization continues. The role of intermediate institutions are explored via case studies of training and arts policy