Opposition In Croatia 1945-1950

The article is intended to give a short contribution to the understanding of the period, in which the Communist Party of Yugoslavia assumed power with the intention to carry out its revolutionary reorganisation of society in accordance with Marxist doctrines and by applying the USSR\u27s experience, from the point of view of the destiny of political parties, movements and churches in Croatia

CROATIA 1945-1991

The author is dealing with the position of Croatia within Communist Yugoslavia during the entire period of its existance. He attempted to bring basic data about Croatian society, economy, culture and about political life

Opposition In Croatia 1945-1950

The article is intended to give a short contribution to the understanding of the period, in which the Communist Party of Yugoslavia assumed power with the intention to carry out its revolutionary reorganisation of society in accordance with Marxist doctrines and by applying the USSR\u27s experience, from the point of view of the destiny of political parties, movements and churches in Croatia

CROATIA 1945-1991

The author is dealing with the position of Croatia within Communist Yugoslavia during the entire period of its existance. He attempted to bring basic data about Croatian society, economy, culture and about political life

1945 IN CROATIA

The author presents the basic contours of 1945, which was marked by the end of the war, the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia, the establishment of Federal State of Croatia as a component of Democratic Federal Yugoslavia and the seizure of authority by the Communist Party of Yugoslav (KPJ). After the end of a liberation and civil war, the KPJ took power into its hands and created the essential prerequisites for the federal reorganization of the Yugoslav state and the revolutionary change of society in compliance with its revolutionary and federalist ideas and through the application of experiences from the USSR. The emphasis is on the most important moves by the KPJ in the first year of its rule and the fate of the main anti-communist forces in Croatia

Pripadnici Udbe u Hrvatskoj osuđeni zbog Informbiroa

Autor na temelju arhivske građe prikazuje i analizira skupinu pripadnika Udbe osuđenih zbog Rezolucije Informbiroa, ili u vezi s njom, u razdoblju od 1948. do 1952. Njihove biografske podatke grupirao je i prikazao u tablicama, omogućavajući time preglednost i lakši uvid u bitne značajke strukture udbaša informbiroovaca. Prikazani su primjerice nacionalna i regionalna struktura osuđenika, njihova socijalna, dobna, obrazovna, stranačka, pa i spolna struktura te struktura prema angažmanu u partizanima i u sigurnosnoj službi, dužina boravka u istražnome zatvoru, dužina njihovih kazni i očekivani izlazak iz zatvora

BOŽIDAR MAGOVAC AND THE PARTISAN MOVEMENT, 1943–1944

Na temelju izvorne građe autor prikazuje sudbinu B. Magovca, disidenta HSS-a i vođe haesesovaca-partizana te osnivača Izvršnog odbora Hrvatske seljačke stranke, kojeg su komunisti izbacili iz partizanskog pokreta kao opasnog suparnika zbog njegovog dosljednog inzistiranja na očuvanju autonomije HSS-a i borbi za ravnopravne odnose s Komunističkom partijom, od dolaska u partizane 1943. do njegovog smjenjivanja sa svih dužnosti i internacije u kolovozu 1944.In 1943 Božidar Magovac rejected his party\u27s (the Croatian Peasant Party, Hrvatska Seljačka Stranka, or HSS) twin policies of \u27wait and see\u27 and of maintaining an equal distance from the ustaša (radical nationalist) and partisan (Communist) movements. He opted for cooperation with the Communist party (KPJ) and participation in the partisan movement. He became one of the most important individuals in the HSS during 1943 and 1944, but incurred opposition from the party\u27s leadership. Pressured by the British policy of support for opposition parties, in 1944 some leaders of the HSS adopted a more aggressive orientation and entered into discussions with the KPJ and leaders of the partisan movement. Magovac\u27s political ideas thus came to prominence, but not Magovac himself, who had been rejected by the KPJ in the meantime. The communists, however, were forced to reconsider their tactics. They lacked other sufficiently well-known HSS leaders from the ranks of the opposition who could be used to sway the Croat masses to the partisan movement. They believed that in Magovac they had a man who was prominent enough to break the back of the HSS and displace the president Dr. Vladko Maček, who posed a serious threat to their goals. The KPJ wanted to be able to easily manipulate the HSS in the struggle for power that would ensue after the collapse of the NDH (Indepent State of Croatia) and liberation from the Germans. Unlike the KPJ, Magovac accepted the position adopted by the Popular Front and came out in favour of the equality of all members of the opposition movement. When he became an obstacle to their plans, the communists, with the assistance of the pro-communist elements in the internal committee of the HSS, removed him from all offices and placed him under house arrest to the end of the war. The British believed, with Šubašić firmly under their influence and the Šubašić-Tito agreement wrapped up, that they had secured the interests of the Yugoslav Monarchy and prevented the communists from monopolizing power. Thus, they were not inclined to squabble over the fate of Magovac, nor soon thereafter, over Košutić either. In the larger geo-political power game, Magovac and Košutić were small players. To the British, they were not equal to the potential risk of an open conflict with the KPJ and Yugoslavia, supported by the USSR

THE LEADERSHIP OF THE USTASHA MOVEMENT AND THE CRUSADERS 1945-48

Na temelju donedavno nedostupnih arhivskih dokumenata i literature autor prikazuje nastojanja vodstva ustaškog pokreta u emigraciji nakon 1945. da organizira borbu protiv komunističke vlasti i Jugoslavije u cilju obnove NDH. U tu svrhu planirano je povezati križarske gerilske skupine, koje su djelovale na području Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine, pod imenom Hrvatske oružane snage. Gašenjem gerilskog pokreta u domovini pod učinkovitim udarcima komunističke vlasti planovi ustaške emigracije u potpunosti su spriječeni, a izostankom svjetskog sukoba kontakti s obavještajnim službama zapadnih sila nisu prerasli u ozbiljnije veze.On the basis of previously inaccessible archival documents, and the secondary literature, the author shows the aims of the Ustasha movement in emigration after 1945 to combat the communist government and Yugoslavia in order to reestablish the Independent State of Croatia. For this purpose, they planned to organize the guerrilla, or "crusader", groups still operating in Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina under the umbrella of so-called Croatian military forces. Counting on support from the US and Great Britain in an anti-communist alliance against the Soviet east, the political orientation of the Ustasha leadership became pro-western. Contact with western agents revealed western interest in military intelligence and information about the military potential of the "crusaders," but they insisted that contact remain with specific individuals and not extend to official recognition. In opposition to the "liberal capitalist" system of the west, the ustasha leadership emphasized the importance of state, communal and private ownership, and likewise the necessity of preserving the peasant smallhold as the basis of "Croatian national life." The anticipated armed struggle was to be carried out exclusively by the Ustasha, but the future state was to be formed on the principles of democracy and national sovereignty. The Ustasha leadership hoped to tie Croatia to Western Europe and the United Nations. Due to the effective suppression of the guerrilla movement by the communist government, and the fact that contact with western intelligence agencies did not grow beyond informal exchanges because of the absence of open warfare between east and west, the plans of the Ustasha emigration were totally crushed