How important to India's poor is the urban - rural composition of growth?

Views differ on how much India's poor have shared in the growth and contraction in the country's average standard of living since independence. Some have argued that the rural growth that accompanied the green revolution in the 1970s and 1980s brought few gains to the poor in the rural sector, while others have viewed agricultural growth as the key to rural poverty reduction. Views have also differed on how much urban growth has benefited the poor. The authors used 33 household surveys spanning 1951-1991 to examine the relative importance to India's poor of both urban and rural consumption growth. Among other things, they tested for spillover effects between sectors: does urban growth have the same effects on the rural distribution of consumption as rural growth has on urban distribution? Urban growth reduced poverty, but adverse distribution effects within the urban sector reduced the gains to the urban poor, and urban growth had no significant effect on rural distribution. Rural growth was distribution-neutral within the rural sector and so brought sizable absolute gains to the rural poor. Rural growth also had pro-poor distributional effects on urban poverty. Identifying the nature of these intra- and inter-sectoral effects reinforces the importance of rural growth to national poverty reduction. Future progress in fighting poverty in India will depend on both the rate of rural economic growth and the country's success in switching to a more pro-poor process of growth.Achieving Shared Growth,Poverty Assessment,Rural Poverty Reduction,Services&Transfers to Poor,Safety Nets and Transfers

Aversão à desigualdade e preferências por redistribuição: A percepção de mobilidade econômica as afeta no Brasil?

Resumo A noção de que a redistribuição é dos ricos para os pobres permitiria concluir a priori que os pobres são os principais partidários de medidas redistributivas, ao serem os potenciais beneficiários. Não obstante, estudos realizados principalmente para países desenvolvidos sugerem que a aversão à desigualdade e as preferências por redistribuição são moldadas por fatores que vão além do pecuniário. Neste trabalho, analisa-se o efeito da mobilidade econômica subjetiva na aversão à desigualdade e na demanda por redistribuição dos brasileiros, usando-se uma base de dados única, representativa do país, coletada em 2012. Os resultados sugerem que, em contradição com previsões teóricas e com evidências de países desenvolvidos, mesmo pessoas que aspiram ascender socialmente no futuro incomodam-se com a desigualdade e são favoráveis a políticas redistributivas. Brasileiros que perceberam uma piora na sua situação econômica também mostram-se favoráveis à redistribuição, resultado mais convencional. Ambos os conjuntos de resultados são confirmados por estimações feitas em subamostras definidas por renda familiar. Levantam-se hipóteses para se tentar explicar os resultados inesperados

The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional

Direct Democracy for Transition Countries

Theoretical arguments and empirical evidence are advanced to bolster the claim that direct political participation via referenda and initiatives constitutes an advanced form of democracy with beneficial effects on Transition Countries.nDirect democracy raises trust and honesty and improves social outcomes. Per capita incomes and subjective well-being are raised.nStandard arguments against direct democracy (citizens' incompetence and lacking interest, danger of manipulation and emotionality, hindering progress and destroying civil rights, high cost) are rejected.nElements of direct democracy can be introduced at the national and local levels, and then proceeding further. Citizens should have the right to govern this process.

Cross-Sector Collaboration, Institutional Gaps, and Fragility: The Role of Social Innovation Partnerships in a Conflict-Affected Region

The authors aim to contribute to the literature on subsistence marketplaces and the marketing field in general by exploring social innovation partnerships in a fragile country characterized by institutional gaps—specifically, by considering the role of cross-sector collaboration in conflict-affected areas. The empirical setting consists of coffee partnerships in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where the authors collected data from and about companies, nongovernmental organizations, and cooperatives using both primary and secondary sources, including a field trip, interviews, and group discussions with farmers and their families. They show results at the organizational level (i.e., buildup of managerial capacities, transfer of financial-administrative skills, and improved functioning of cooperatives), the farmer level (i.e., better prices, livelihoods, and access to markets as well as increased revenues), and the community level (i.e., reduced tensions and collaboration between previously hostile groups as well as the creation of new governance modalities). The study suggests that partnerships may offer a systemic approach to addressing institutional gaps, which is necessary in such “extreme” contexts. The authors close with a discussion of further implications for research and public policy