Gravity and the Newtonian limit in the Randall-Sundrum model

We point out that the gravitational evolution equations in the Randall-Sundrum model appear in a different form than hitherto assumed. As a consequence, the model yields a correct Newtonian limit in a novel manner.Comment: 9 pages, LaTeX, sign changed and references added. We have also appended a remark on the compatibility of the 4D Poincare invariant metric of Randall and Sundrum with the boundary equation

Will the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act Address the Problems Associated With Medical Malpractice?

Outlines the limitations of 2010 healthcare reform's medical injury and liability-related provisions; the potential for savings from malpractice reform; promising reforms, including early disclosure with compensation; and alternative approaches

Lessons for Health Reform From the Federal Employees Health Benefits Program

Explores the feasibility of opening up the program to non-federal employees as a way to expand coverage. Outlines lessons learned on countering selection issues, maintaining a wide array of benefit packages, and offsetting costs and premium fluctuations

Justice and predictability in torts

Recent reexaminations of the principles of tort liability have entertained two possible rationales for the fault principle, one "moral" and the other economic. Neither is satisfactory. I propose here a third rationale and show how it suffices to refute at least some of the challenges to the negligence system. The character of this rationale is causal, and the central thesis of this paper is that in as much as the tort system should aim to place the costs of accidents on the source of those accidents, then we have not yet found an acceptable alternative to the negligence system. This thesis is defended and developed through a reexamination of some recent theories of strict liability and reflection on some of what has been said about the role of causation in torts. A backdrop to the entire discussion is the question of how one might best ensure that potential defendants will be able to predict with reasonable certainty which courses of action will make them liable, should damages ensue

The contribution of Nicomachean ethics iii5 to Aristotle's theory of responsibility

This paper develops a radical reinterpretation of the argument in Nicomachean Ethics iii 5 concerning responsibility for character. I argue that what is at stake is the new standard of liability Aristotle is introducing there, the so-called "negligence" standard, and that the scope of the discussion is limited to the class of agents who are negligent through an inability to take care. Thus, I argue, there is no claim being made that in general responsibility for acts requires responsibility for character

Explanations reconsidered

Edna Ullmann-Margalit .introduced the notion of an invisiblehand explanation (I-H explanation) to the philosophical literature in 1978, and made a distinction between "aggregate" and "functional-evolutionary" (F-E) forms of I -H explanations. The present paper produces a substantially refined analysis of the forms and functions of I-H explanations. Sections (1) and (2) introduce the ideas of I-H and aggregate I-H explanation, respectively. Section (J) argues that no one form of explanation can serve the explanatory fUnctions Ullmann-Margalit attributes to aggregate explanations, and divides those explanatory functions between genetic and "systematic-dispositional" explanations. Section (4) identifies difficulties with the idea of F-E explanation in the social realm, and shows that any I-H explanations fitting the P-E mold would constitute simply a special class of "aggregate" explanation

Open sets satisfying systems of congruences

A famous result of Hausdorff states that a sphere with countably many points removed can be partitioned into three pieces A,B,C such that A is congruent to B (i.e., there is an isometry of the sphere which sends A to B), B is congruent to C, and A is congruent to (B union C); this result was the precursor of the Banach-Tarski paradox. Later, R. Robinson characterized the systems of congruences like this which could be realized by partitions of the (entire) sphere with rotations witnessing the congruences. The pieces involved were nonmeasurable. In the present paper, we consider the problem of which systems of congruences can be satisfied using open subsets of the sphere (or related spaces); of course, these open sets cannot form a partition of the sphere, but they can be required to cover "most of" the sphere in the sense that their union is dense. Various versions of the problem arise, depending on whether one uses all isometries of the sphere or restricts oneself to a free group of rotations (the latter version generalizes to many other suitable spaces), or whether one omits the requirement that the open sets have dense union, and so on. While some cases of these problems are solved by simple geometrical dissections, others involve complicated iterative constructions and/or results from the theory of free groups. Many interesting questions remain open.Comment: 44 page

Rethinking Responsibility for Patient Injury: Accelerated-Compensation Events, a Malpractice and Quality Reform Ripe for a Test

The accelerated-compensation events (ACE) approach in medical malpractice reform was studied. Reforms based on ACE best address the twin goals of making compensation more equitable and avoiding bad outcomes in medical care

History of whaling in and near North Carolina

This study aims to reconstruct the history of shore whaling in the southeastern United States, emphasizing statistics on the catch of right whales, Eubalaena glacialis, the preferred targets. The earliest record of whaling in North Carolina is of a proposed voyage from New York in 1667. Early settlers on the Outer Banks utilized whale strandings by trying out the blubber of carcasses that came ashore, and some whale oil was exported from the 1660s onward. New England whalemen whaled along the North Carolina coast during the 1720s, and possibly earlier. As some of the whalemen from the northern colonies moved to Nortb Carolina, a shore-based whale fishery developed. This activity apparently continued without interruption until the War of Independence in 1776, and continued or was reestablished after the war. The methods and techniques of the North Carolina shore whalers changed slowly: as late as the 1890s they used a drogue at the end of the harpoon line and refrained from staying fast to the harpooned whale, they seldom employed harpoon guns, and then only during the waning years of the fishery. The whaling season extended from late December to May, most successfully between February and May. Whalers believed they were intercepting whales migrating north along the coast. Although some whaling occurred as far north as Cape Hatteras, it centered on the outer coasts of Core, Shackleford, and Bogue banks, particularly near Cape Lookout. The capture of whales other than right whales was a rare event. The number of boat crews probably remained fairly stable during much of the 19th century, with some increase in effort in the late 1870s and early 1880s when numbers of boat crews reached 12 to 18. Then by the late 1880s and 1890s only about 6 crews were active. North Carolina whaling had become desultory by the early 1900s, and ended completely in 1917. Judging by export and tax records, some ocean-going vessels made good catches off this coast in about 1715-30, including an estimated 13 whales in 1719, 15 in one year during the early 1720s, 5-6 in a three-year period of the mid to late 1720s, 8 by one ship's crew in 1727, 17 by one group of whalers in 1728-29, and 8-9 by two boats working from Ocracoke prior to 1730. It is impossible to know how representative these fragmentary records are for the period as a whole. The Carolina coast declined in importance as a cruising ground for pelagic whalers by the 1740s or 1750s. Thereafter, shore whaling probably accounted for most of the (poorly documented) catch. Lifetime catches by individual whalemen on Shackleford Banks suggest that the average annual catch was at least one to two whales during 1830·80, perhaps about four during the late 1870s and early 1880s, and declining to about one by the late 1880s. Data are insufficient to estimate the hunting loss rate in the Outer Banks whale fishery. North Carolina is the only state south of New Jersey known to have had a long and well established shore whaling industry. Some whaling took place in Chesapeake Bay and along the coast of Virginia during the late 17th and early 18th centuries, but it is poorly documented. Most of the rigbt whales taken off South Carolina, Georgia, and northern Florida during the 19th century were killed by pelagic whalers. Florida is the only southeastern state with evidence of an aboriginal (pre-contact) whale fishery. Right whale calves may have been among the aboriginal whalers' principal targets. (PDF file contains 34 pages.