13 research outputs found

    Hindutva combats christianity in Orissa

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    This paper explores why and how Hindutva has been successful in its mission against Christianity in Orissa. First, it shows how Christianity began its journey in Hindu-dominated Orissa during the colonial rule by labelling Hindus as “heathens”, popular Hindu deity Lord Jagannath as “evil” and endorsing the colonial government’s perception of Adivasis, particularly the Kandhas of Kandhamal, as “savages”, thereby germinating the seeds of an anti-Christian “mindset” which got further crystallized as Christian missionaries zealously carried out their agenda of conversion. Secondly, it discusses how conversion became the main plank of Hindutva’s anti-Christian discourse during the regime of M.S. Golwalkar (1906-1973), the second chief of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which later concretised in the forms of virulent campaigns and violent attacks undertaken by the Sangh Parivar during the BJP rule in New Delhi. Then it contextualises this discourse and aggressive mobilisation in postcolonial Kandhamal, the epicentre of anti-Christian violence, explaining how conversion of Dalit Panas to Christianity has communalised the long-standing Kandha-Pana ethnic divide and how Hindutva instigated the Kandhas by portraying the Christian Panas as their economic and political exploiters, thereby triggering anti-Christian animosity which culminated in the 2008 riots. Then it attempts to understand why and how new Christian denominations like the Pentecostals have proliferated in Kandhamal, attracting new converts and widening communal cleavage. Finally, it shows how Christians have confronted Hindutva’s challenge by building alliances with various progressive and secular civil society organisations as well as with the “Maoists”.Cet article explore les raisons du succĂšs qu’a connu l’Hindutva dans sa mission contre le christianisme en Orissa. PremiĂšrement, il montre comment le christianisme a commencĂ© Ă  sĂ©journer dans un Orissa dominĂ© par l’hindouisme Ă  l’époque du pouvoir colonial en classant les hindous en tant que « paĂŻens », le dieu populaire hindou Lord Jagannath en tant que « force malĂ©fique » et en approuvant la perception qu’avait le gouvernement colonial des Adivasi, en particulier les Kandha de Kandhamal, considĂ©rĂ©s comme « sauvages », semant ainsi les germes d’une mentalitĂ© anti-chrĂ©tienne qui se cristallisa Ă  mesure que les missionnaires chrĂ©tiens zĂ©lĂ©s appliquaient leur programme de conversion. DeuxiĂšmement, l’article examine comment la conversion est devenue le point principal du discours anti-chrĂ©tien de l’Hindutva pendant le rĂ©gime de M.S. Golwakar (1906-1973), second chef du Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sang (RSS), qui s’est plus tard matĂ©rialisĂ© sous forme de campagnes virulentes et de violentes attaques entreprises par le Sangh Parivar sous le gouvernement du BJP Ă  New Delhi. Puis, l’article contextualise ce discours et la mobilisation agressive dans le Khandamal postcolonial, Ă©picentre d’une violence anti-chrĂ©tienne, expliquant comment la conversion des Dalit Pana au christianisme a communalisĂ© la division ethnique Kandha-Pana, et comment l’Hindutva a provoquĂ© les Kandha en prĂ©sentant les chrĂ©tiens Pana comme leurs exploiteurs Ă©conomiques et politiques, dĂ©clenchant ainsi une animositĂ© anti-chrĂ©tienne qui a culminĂ© durant les Ă©meutes de 2008. Ensuite, cette Ă©tude tente de comprendre les raisons pour lesquelles de nouvelles confessions chrĂ©tiennes, Ă  l’instar des pentecĂŽtistes, se sont multipliĂ©es au Kandhamal, attirant de nouveaux convertis et Ă©largissant de plus en plus un clivage communautaire. Et pour finir, il montre comment les chrĂ©tiens ont relevĂ© le dĂ©fi en construisant des alliances avec des organisations progressistes diverses et des sociĂ©tĂ©s civiles laĂŻques aussi bien qu’avec les maoĂŻstes

    Preface

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    International audience

    Preface

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    International audience

    The politics of ethnicity in India, Nepal and China

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    Contributions issues d'une confĂ©rence internationale conjointement organisĂ©e Ă  New Delhi par le Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS), la Fondation Maison des sciences de l'homme (FMSH) et l'Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR)International audienceThe indigenous population, with their rich culture and heritage, represent an important component of Indian and Himalayan civilizations. Politics of Ethnicity in India, Neapal and China reviews the social, cultural and political processes that have shaped these indigenous societies in India, Nepal and China in recent years. The ethnic minorities, legally recognized in India and Nepal have emerged as powerful groups influencing the political imagery in both these countries. In Nepal, the staggering diversity of the Himalayan population poses a problem for the authorities. They include economically and culturally diverse groups, spread throughout the region. The state, partially inspired by India is now looking at institutionalizing procedures to integrate the indigenous people as citizens. In India, the threat of ethnic conflict has driven the Indian state to recognize new states and form autonomous district councils, paving way for an asymmetrical federalism where federal units are being devolved special powers. The acknowledgement of indigenous languages and scripts by the Constitution of India has offered the possibility for janjatis/adivasis to assert themselves. Likewise, the recent policies in favour of ethnic minority groups and their culture in Nepal have generated various initiatives from local communities to develop their often endangered culture. Both in India and Nepal, these changes impact the discourse held by leaders who are now claiming a history and culture for their own group. The construction of an identity through narratives, village theatre and other cultural expressions have become part of the subtle process of reinventing tradition. The Politics of Ethnicity in India, Nepal and China analyzes the reshaping of ethnic boundaries through acculturation, conversion, education, and religious movements, in times of conflict as well as in times of peace, highlighting how the indigenous people of India and Nepal frame a new sense of identity informed by 'reinvented' custom. This may offer a way to conciliate self‐governance and democracy. In India, development programmes launched in different regions by the states have led to further deprivation of indigenous people and conflicts over environmental issues. This volume enables the reader to grasp the reformulation of identities influenced by cultural strategies of empowerment. As mentioned earlier, in both India and Nepal, the tribal has been considered a political agent in the national imagination. Besides, it is not by chance that current concern over biodiversity in a globalizing world has in many ways laid hope in tribal practices which are regarded as sustainable. Yet biodiversity also comes with the promise of a different lifestyle contrasting with the homogenized consumerism which dominates today's capitalist economy. Adivasi/janajati societies have often developed a policy of resisting global, capital, savage and corrupt industrial exploitation. For instance, they maintain 'sacred groves' as religious emblems of indigenous knowledge in central India and in the Khasi and Garo hills. This volume also discusses the progressive discovery of tribal art and its present status in the national context. It traces the story of how these art forms came to be recognized as such, underlining factors such as state patronage, which played an important role in this process. Retracing the path these artefacts took from local workshops to craft‐exhibitions, museums and shops in the capital of Orissa State and on to those of the Indian Union capital city (New Delhi

    Cultural entrenchment of Hindutva: local mediations and forms of convergence

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    DOInternational audience

    The City in the History of Religion

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    This collection of articles is written in the face of far-reaching processes of urbanization, drawing more and more people into the administrative web of cities and their density, diversity, and inequalities, balancing feelings of individual freedom and aspirations with those of loss and exposure. Thus, it joins works related to the spatial turn that since the 1990s has affected several disciplines, including Religious Studies. Particularly relevant are the study of religion in the field of Geography on the one hand and Kim Knott’s analysis of the spatial dimension of contemporary religion in the United Kingdom, on the other one. Yet, our focus is more particular as it aims to explore the urban as a cultural trait rather than an indication of city-space, and much broader the longitudinal interest in the urban as a factor for religious change since the start of urbanization in the valleys of Mesopotamia, the Nile, Chinese flood plains, and the Harappa culture

    Politique et religions en Asie du Sud

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    L’Asie du Sud – l’Inde en tĂȘte – a rĂ©inventĂ© le sĂ©cularisme, en l’adaptant Ă  l’immense diversitĂ© religieuse de la rĂ©gion. Mais les derniĂšres dĂ©cennies ont vu cette rĂ©invention subir, dans chaque pays, de sĂ©rieux coups de boutoir – indĂ©pendamment de la religion dominante (hindouisme, islam ou bouddhisme) et des rĂ©gimes politiques (dĂ©mocratiques ou autoritaires). C’est ce processus que ce volume entend analyser Ă  travers l’étude des dynamiques Ă  l’Ɠuvre dans chacun des pays concernĂ©s, de l’Inde Ă  l’Afghanistan, en passant par le Pakistan, le Bangladesh, Sri Lanka et le NĂ©pal. Partout, la tendance est Ă  une identification de l’Etat Ă  la religion majoritaire qui, certes, varie beaucoup selon les pays. Les minoritĂ©s religieuses sont naturellement les premiĂšres Ă  ressentir l’influence de ce dĂ©clin du sĂ©cularisme ; lĂ  encore, certaines convergences apparaissent, se lisant en tout premier lieu dans la morphologie de la violence. Mais si le constat de cette Ă©volution fait l’objet d’un consensus, sa nature et son ampleur restent largement dĂ©battues, comme le montrent les diffĂ©rentes tonalitĂ©s des contributions ici rĂ©unies. Au-delĂ  du sĂ©cularisme, ce numĂ©ro s’attache aussi Ă  dĂ©construire le couple religion-politique Ă  travers des Ă©tudes de cas oĂč le lien de causalitĂ© est loin d’ĂȘtre systĂ©matique, mĂȘme lorsqu’il est attendu, et oĂč la relation entre les champs connaĂźt des transformations inĂ©dites
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