Crisis of representation in Chile?: the institutional connection

This article analyzes the challenges to democratic representation in contemporary Chile, with an institutional focus. I argue that the post-authoritarian model of politics was deeply constrained by institutions and practices inherited by democratic authorities and reinforced by the model of transitional politics and its series of informal institutions, which first facilitated, but then hindered democratic performance. While this does not point to a regime-threatening crisis, there are deep challenges to representation and a desire for a different model of politics that is more capable of resolving conflicts and satisfying citizen demands. I posit that, until now, Chile's formal and informal institutions have privileged stability over representation, accountability, and legitimacy. Consequently, it has fallen to social movements to set the agenda for change aimed at addressing Chile's deeper problems of political and social inequality. I argue that institutional reforms are a necessary, yet insufficient, antidote to current challenges of representation.Este artículo analiza los desafíos a la representación democrática en Chile contemporáneo, con un enfoque institucional. Sostengo que el modelo político post-autoritario estaba profundamente restringido y limitado por las instituciones y prácticas heredadas por las autoridades democráticas y reforzadas por el modelo de la política transicional y su serie de instituciones informales, que primero facilitó, pero luego obstaculizó el desempeño democrático. Si bien esto no necesariamente señaliza una crisis amenazadora del régimen, hay retos profundos a la representación y el deseo de un modelo político diferente que tenga una capacidad mayor de resolver conflictos y satisfacer las demandas ciudadanas. Postulo que, hasta ahora, las instituciones formales e informales de Chile han privilegiado la estabilidad sobre la representación, la rendición de cuentas y la legitimidad. En consecuencia, corresponde a los movimientos sociales fijar la agenda de cambio encaminada a abordar los problemas más profundos de desigualdad política y social en Chile. Sostengo que las reformas institucionales son un antídoto necesario, pero insuficiente, para los desafíos actuales de la representación

Lessons from a late adopter: feminist advocacy, democratizing reforms, and gender quotas in Chile

Many Latin American and other Global South countries adopted gender quotas during democratic transitions. What explains late-adopting cases like Chile? We analyze two instances: the 2015-2016 electoral reforms, which finally introduced a 40-percent gender quota, and the 2020-2023 constitutional process, which introduced gender parity. Using a qualitative analysis that draws on 39 elite interviews, we posit that efforts to redesign national political institutions in order to address democratic deficits create transition-like moments. In turn, these moments create windows of opportunity for quota advocates. We show how quota advocates in the parties, congress, and civil society leveraged growing voter discontent to pressure their resistant colleagues and ultimately secure gender quotas (and later gender parity) as part of larger reform efforts. Our analysis of the Chilean case elevates two factors explaining quota adoption: the long arc of democratization and women's role as protagonists in electoral reforms

Nombramientos públicos como instituciones informales: lecciones del cuoteo en Chile, 1990-2018

This paper engages existing research on informal institutions in Latin America, by analyzing informal institutions related to public appointments in Chile with particular reference to what is known as the cuoteo. We extend the analysis from the national to the regional and local levels by considering how these informal institutions shape politics. Our research reveals that the nature and function of the cuoteo change according to the level of government at which it operates. Through this analysis we show how the decline of the cuoteo can lead to the erosion of its ability to contribute to the operation of high-quality formal institutions. We combine a review of literature with the analysis of 132 interviews in six regions of Chile

The Political Economy of Productivity in Brazil

This paper explores the link between Brazil's political institutions and its disappointing productivity and growth in recent decades. Although political institutions provide the president with incentives and the instruments to pursue monetary stability and fiscal discipline they simultaneously raise the costs of achieving those very objectives. The insulation of certain expenditures from presidential discretion necessitates the use of other policy options, such as high taxation levels and cuts in unprotected expenditures, which put a drag on productivity and growth. In a context of robust checks and balances and interest group fragmentation, a state overburdened by constitutional entitlements has resorted to massive increases in taxation. The resulting environment possesses both essential elements for sustainable economic growth and distortions that conspire against its realization. While some improvements in productivity and growth have occurred in the past decade, the pace has been slow and incremental

¿Crisis de Representación en Chile? La conexión institucional

This article analyzes the challenges to democratic representation in contemporary Chile, with an institutional focus. I argue that the post-authoritarian model of politics was deeply constrained by institutions and practices inherited by democratic authorities and reinforced by the model of transitional politics and its series of informal institutions, which first facilitated, but then hindered democratic performance. While this does not point to a regime-threatening crisis, there are deep challenges to representation and a desire for a different model of politics that is more capable of resolving conflicts and satisfying citizen demands. I posit that, until now, Chile’s formal and informal institutions have privileged stability over representation, accountability, and legitimacy. Consequently, it has fallen to social movements to set the agenda for change aimed at addressing Chile’s deeper problems of political and social inequality. I argue that institutional reforms are a necessary, yet insufficient, antidote to current challenges of representation.Este artículo analiza los desafíos a la representación democrática en Chile contemporáneo, con un enfoque institucional. Sostengo que el modelo político post-autoritario estaba profundamente restringido y limitado por las instituciones y prácticas heredadas por las autoridades democráticas y reforzadas por el modelo de la política transicional y su serie de instituciones informales, que primero facilitó, pero luego obstaculizó el desempeño democrático. Si bien esto no necesariamente señaliza una crisis amenazadora del régimen, hay retos profundos a la representación y el deseo de un modelo político diferente que tenga una capacidad mayor de resolver conflictos y satisfacer las demandas ciudadanas. Postulo que, hasta ahora, las instituciones formales e informales de Chile han privilegiado la estabilidad sobre la representación, la rendición de cuentas y la legitimidad. En consecuencia, corresponde a los movimientos sociales fijar la agenda de cambio encaminada a abordar los problemas más profundos de desigualdad política y social en Chile. Sostengo que las reformas institucionales son un antídoto necesario, pero insuficiente, para los desafíos actuales de la representación

¿Crisis de Representación en Chile? La conexión institucional

This article analyzes the challenges to democratic representation in contemporary Chile, with an institutional focus. I argue that the post-authoritarian model of politics was deeply constrained by institutions and practices inherited by democratic authorities and reinforced by the model of transitional politics and its series of informal institutions, which first facilitated, but then hindered democratic performance. While this does not point to a regime-threatening crisis, there are deep challenges to representation and a desire for a different model of politics that is more capable of resolving conflicts and satisfying citizen demands. I posit that, until now, Chile’s formal and informal institutions have privileged stability over representation, accountability, and legitimacy. Consequently, it has fallen to social movements to set the agenda for change aimed at addressing Chile’s deeper problems of political and social inequality. I argue that institutional reforms are a necessary, yet insufficient, antidote to current challenges of representation.Este artículo analiza los desafíos a la representación democrática en Chile contemporáneo, con un enfoque institucional. Sostengo que el modelo político post-autoritario estaba profundamente restringido y limitado por las instituciones y prácticas heredadas por las autoridades democráticas y reforzadas por el modelo de la política transicional y su serie de instituciones informales, que primero facilitó, pero luego obstaculizó el desempeño democrático. Si bien esto no necesariamente señaliza una crisis amenazadora del régimen, hay retos profundos a la representación y el deseo de un modelo político diferente que tenga una capacidad mayor de resolver conflictos y satisfacer las demandas ciudadanas. Postulo que, hasta ahora, las instituciones formales e informales de Chile han privilegiado la estabilidad sobre la representación, la rendición de cuentas y la legitimidad. En consecuencia, corresponde a los movimientos sociales fijar la agenda de cambio encaminada a abordar los problemas más profundos de desigualdad política y social en Chile. Sostengo que las reformas institucionales son un antídoto necesario, pero insuficiente, para los desafíos actuales de la representación

Elite-mass congruence, partidocracia and the quality of Chilean democracy

Though Chile is often lauded for its successful democratic transition and high quality democracy, there are increasing levels of citizen dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy. This article asks whether this dissatisfaction is due to the lack of congruence between political elites and the mass public with respect to their orientations on political and economic issues. It provides tentative support for the proposition that there is growing consensus between elites and the mass public with respect to the most im-portant issues. Rather than a lack of congruence between elites and the mass public, the paper suggests that the more likely source of citizen dissatisfaction is an emerging partidocracia (or a polity characterized by political party domination) which hampers the full functioning of democracy in terms of legitimacy, accountability and alternation of power. Because this domination has been produced by the interaction of an entrenched legislative election system and model of post-authoritarian partisan politics, it will be difficult to eliminate.A pesar de que Chile sea considerado a menudo como un caso de transición democrática exitoso y como una democracia de alta calidad, hay niveles crecientes de insatisfacción con el funcionamiento de la democracia. Este artículo pregunta si esta insatisfacción se debe a una falta de congruencia entre las élites políticas y la ciudadanía con respeto a sus orientaciones fundamentales hacia los asuntos políticos y económicos. El artículo provee un apoyo tentativo para la propuesta de que existe un consenso creciente entre las élites y la ciudadanía con respecto a los asuntos más relevantes. El artículo, de igual manera, sugiere que más que una falta de congruencia entre las élites políticas y la ciudadanía, la razón más probable para esta insatisfacción es una emergente partidocracia (es decir un sistema político caracterizado por dominación de los partidos políticos) que dificulta el funcionamiento pleno de la democracia en términos de la legitimidad, accountability y la alternancia del poder. Dado que esta dominación partidista es producto de la interacción de un sistema electoral legislativo difícil de reformar con un modelo de política pos-autoritario, será muy difícil de eliminar