2,782 research outputs found

    Two-Photon Effects in Lepton-AntiLepton Pair Photoproduction from a Nucleon Target using Real Photons

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    We consider the production of a lepton-antilepton pair by real photons off a hadronic target. The interference of one and two photon exchange amplitudes leads to a charge asymmetry term that may be calculated explicitly in the large-t limit in terms of hadronic distribution amplitudes. A rather compact expression emerges for the leading order asymmetry at fixed angle in the centre-of-mass of the lepton pair. The magnitude appears sizeable and is approximately independent of the pair mass in the asymptotic limit.Comment: 14 pages, 7 figures. Title changed, references adde

    Prospects of Economic Integration among the ECO Countries

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    Promotion of Intra-regional trade is the most important economic justification for regional economic blocs. This paper examines such prospects in the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO) region, a grouping of ex-RCD and Central Asian States. It is shown that the progress is extremely slow and the time table fixed for the implementation of the ECO Trade Agreement is ambitious, given the lukewarm will to cooperate, the unsettled state of affairs in Afghanistan, and the dirigistic legacy of central planning in the Central Asian States.regional Cooperation, Economic Integration

    The Debt of the Nation

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    The debt of the nation comprises two parts, the external debt and the internal debt. After rapidly accumulating arrears of external debt in the post-sanctions period, Pakistan has had to seek re-scheduling of her external debt as part of a financing and reform package negotiated with the IMF. While re-scheduling has not been sought for the first time, the rising burden of this debt has generated a serious debate for the first time. In the heat of this debate, the heavier burden of the costlier internal debt has been nearly ignored. Although this paper takes account of the totality of the debt towards the end, its main focus is on the problem of external debt for reasons not only of its immediacy but the prospects of forced self-reliance raised by the financial and economic fall-out of the nuclear explosions of May 1998. Section II looks for the data sources and discovers that there are as many sizes of the debt as there are sources. In its latest report, the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) characterises the economy as “highly indebted” in terms of its external debt, while the latest Economic Survey (ES) does not consider the external debt as large as it appears. Section III analyses these claims in terms of the internationally recognised debt burden indicators. In Section IV, attention is devoted to debt sustainability criteria. Section V of the paper examines the question as to how debt, which also shows access to capital required for economic growth, was allowed to become a burden over time. The last Section presents main conclusions and suggests an agenda for action.

    Pakistan’s Debt Problem: Its Changing Nature and Growing Gravity

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    It has been evident for some time that Pakistan’s debt burden is extremely onerous. The danger of external debt default first emerged in 1996 towards the end of the second Benazir government. Following the nuclear explosions by first India and then Pakistan and the subsequent imposition of economic sanctions by the Western countries in mid-1998, Pakistan froze the foreign currency deposits, a major source of balance of payments financing in recent years, and went into a technical default on external debt. Following a fresh agreement with the IMF in January 1999, Paris and London Clubs provided substantial debt relief in the form of rescheduling of debt payments due in 1998-99, 1999-2000 and the first half of 2000-1. Despite debt relief, the burden of external debt remains extremely heavy and the danger of default has not disappeared. In any case, the access to international financial markets has been greatly curtailed, if not eliminated, especially because The Paris Club has applied the ‘comparability of treatment’ to claims of private sector investors. On the domestic side, the heavy burden of servicing public debt has made the much needed fiscal adjustment both difficult and disorderly. The rise in interest payments from 2.2 percent of GDP in 1979-80 to 4.9 percent in 1988-89 and to the peak of 7.3 percent in 1998-99 made reductions in fiscal deficit hard to achieve. As interest payments now account for over 45 percent of government revenues, the fiscal deficit reduction has come mainly at the cost of development spending. Clearly the debt overhang is a major factor in the decline in the investment rate to 15 percent of GDP in 1998-99 and 1999-2000, the lowest level in more than two decades. Unless the debt burden can be brought down to more manageable levels, macro-economic management will remain problematical and growth prospects will remain clouded.

    Learning from the Past: A Fifty-year Perspective on Pakistan's Development

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    In some ways, Pakistan’s economic growth since 1947 has been remarkable. The country’s economic viability was considered, in some quarters,1 in serious doubt at its emergence, but it has managed, despite a quadrupling of the population, to bring about significant improvement in the average living standards. Per capita GNP growth, on average around 2 percent per annum over a long stretch of nearly fifty years, has been the best among countries of the subcontinent. This growth has meant an increase in average income of about 150 percent over 1950–96. But Pakistan, like many other developing countries, has not been able to narrow the gap between itself and rich industrial nations which have grown faster on a per head basis. Also, Pakistan has lost substantial economic ground to the rapidly growing economies of East Asia notably China, South Korea, Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia. In 1960, South Korea’s per capita income was only marginally ahead of Pakistan’s. In the short period of one generation, Korea had an income level which on purchasing power parity basis five times that of Pakistan in 1995. On the same basis, Thailand and Malaysia enjoyed a per capita income advantage of 200 to 300 percent over Pakistan.

    Poverty, Feudalism, and Land Reform—The Continued Relevance of Iqbal

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    After half a century of development experience, one-third of the population of Pakistan today is condemned to struggle below the poverty line, howsoever defined. In absolute terms, this size of the population of the poor is larger than the total population of [West] Pakistan at the time of independence in 1947. The incidence of rural poverty is greater than in urban areas. Iqbal died nine years before the state of Pakistan was established in 1947 and 2 years before the adoption of the Lahore Resolution in 1940. Territorially, the present-day Pakistan is closer to Iqbal’s idea of the Muslim State presented in his famous presidential address at the annual session of the Muslim League held at Allahabad in 1930: “I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sindh and Balochistan amalgamated into a single State” [Brelvi (1977), p. 63]. The same, however, would be hard to say in regard to his vision of economy and society. Poverty as a problem, feudalism as the cause and land reform as a solution formed the most important part of this vision. Why did the Muslims of India require a state of their own? Iqbal elaborated this point later in a letter written to the Quaid-i-Azam in May 1937. He wrote: “The problem of bread is becoming more and more acute. The Muslim has begun to feel that he has been going down and down during the last 200 years. Ordinarily he believes that his poverty is due to Hindu money-lending or capitalism. The perception that it is equally due to foreign rule has not yet fully come to him. But it is bound to come. The atheistic socialism of Jawaharlal is not likely to receive much response from the Muslims. The question therefore is: how is it possible to solve the problem of Muslim poverty? And the whole future of the League depends on the League’s activity to solve this question. If the League can give no such promises I am sure that Muslim masses will remain indifferent to it as before. Happily there is a solution in the enforcement of the Law of Islam and its further development in the light of modern ideas.
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