Peace and Conflict Studies in Thailand: The Primacy of the States Narrative of Security

Peace and conflict studies in Thailand is considerably influenced by the security narrative prescribed by the state and manipulated for political purposes. The field of study consequently promotes the interests of the Thai state rather than exploring the socio-political factors that have sustained the longevity of conflicts in the first place. This outcome is most evident in the cases of violence in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand—Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat—and the ongoing political conflict between royalists and their opponents. Because the focus is on national security, the field often overlooks the human aspect of peace and conflicts. This state-centric focus has influenced Thai peace and conflicts studies to take an inwardlooking approach, raising the possibility of it disconnecting from international scholarship

Thai-Cambodian Conflict: The Failure of ASEANs Dispute Settlement Mechanisms

In 2008, the Thai-Cambodian conflict over the Preah Vihear Temple was reignited after the issue became politicized by political groups in Thailand. The opposition accused the Samak Sundaravej government of aspiring to achieve its private interests in exchange for Thailands support for Cambodias bid to have the Preah Vihear listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. In Thailand, there was a belief that if Cambodias bid was successful, the country would lose the disputed 4.6-square-kilometer area surrounding the temple. This pushed elements in Thailand to unofficially declare a state of war with Cambodia. This crisis also had a serious impact on ASEAN. Thailand rejected ASEANs mediating role, thus revealing its distrust in regional dispute settlement mechanisms. For ASEAN, it unveiled its weakness in exercising authority over its members, and its incompetency in the management of regional disputes. This article argues that ASEAN was caught between the need to be a key player in regional politics, especially in tackling territorial disputes in the region, and the need to maintain the regions status quo by appearing subservient to the members self-interest in protecting their national sovereignty at the expense of progress on regionalization

Royalism and the Crisis of Elite Governance in Thailand: An Interview with Thongchai Winichakul and Pavin Chachavalpongpun

In May 2014, the Royal Thai Armed Forces launched a coup to establish a junta called the National Council for Peace and Order. In this interview, Social Transformations editor Lisandro Claudio (LC) speaks to historian Thongchai Winichakul (TW) of the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and Political Scientist Pavin Chachavalpongpun (PC) of Kyoto University to examine the simmering tensions the undergird the military take over

The Vexing Strategic Tug-of-War over Naypyidaw: ASEAN’s View of the Sino–Burmese Ties

This article argues that ASEAN’s policy toward Myanmar has been predominantly responsive, dictated by China’s activism in the region. It posits three arguments: First, that the release of political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, may have been a tactical move to convince ASEAN to award it the 2014 chairmanship and thereby consolidate the legitimacy of the current regime; second, that Thein Sein’s suspension of the Myitsone Dam was a strategic move intended to please both domestic and ASEAN constituencies; and third, that Myanmar’s chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014 will help justify the organisation’s past approach to Burma as well as accelerate the process of community-building. The paper argues that in spite of the growing interconnectedness between ASEAN and China, ASEAN is locked in a strategic tug-of-war with China over Myanmar. Myanmar has, on multiple occasions, played upon ASEAN’s suspicion of China by playing the “China card,” as I term it, forcing ASEAN to continually legitimise it through public statements

The Vexing Strategic Tug-of-War over Naypyidaw: ASEAN’s View of the Sino–Burmese Ties

This article argues that ASEAN’s policy toward Myanmar has been predominantly responsive, dictated by China’s activism in the region. It posits three arguments: First, that the release of political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, may have been a tactical move to convince ASEAN to award it the 2014 chairmanship and thereby consolidate the legitimacy of the current regime; second, that Thein Sein’s suspension of the Myitsone Dam was a strategic move intended to please both domestic and ASEAN constituencies; and third, that Myanmar’s chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014 will help justify the organisation’s past approach to Burma as well as accelerate the process of community-building. The paper argues that in spite of the growing interconnectedness between ASEAN and China, ASEAN is locked in a strategic tug-of-war with China over Myanmar. Myanmar has, on multiple occasions, played upon ASEAN’s suspicion of China by playing the “China card,” as I term it, forcing ASEAN to continually legitimise it through public statements

Thai crisis : what next after martial law?

The martial law just declared by Thailand’s military has brought the country’s political crisis to a crossroads. Will a military coup resolve the current impasse once and for all, or will it only serve to deepen it

The Vexing Strategic Tug-of-War over Naypyidaw: ASEAN’s View of the Sino–Burmese Ties

This article argues that ASEAN’s policy toward Myanmar has been predominantly responsive, dictated by China’s activism in the region. It posits three arguments: First, that the release of political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, may have been a tactical move to convince ASEAN to award it the 2014 chairmanship and thereby consolidate the legitimacy of the current regime; second, that Thein Sein’s suspension of the Myitsone Dam was a strategic move intended to please both domestic and ASEAN constituencies; and third, that Myanmar’s chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014 will help justify the organisation’s past approach to Burma as well as accelerate the process of community-building. The paper argues that in spite of the growing interconnectedness between ASEAN and China, ASEAN is locked in a strategic tug-of-war with China over Myanmar. Myanmar has, on multiple occasions, played upon ASEAN’s suspicion of China by playing the “China card,” as I term it, forcing ASEAN to continually legitimise it through public statements

Le conflit thaïlando-cambodgien : L’affaire du temple Preah Vihear

Comme le dit un adage thaïlandais, « on choisit ses amis, on ne choisit pas ses voisins ». Les relations entre Bangkok et Phnom Penh en sont une parfaite illustration. Le 22 avril 2011, de nouveaux affrontements entre les deux pays ont eu lieu. Le conflit a déjà fait plusieurs dizaines de morts et plusieurs centaines de blessés civils et militaires. Les affrontements armés ne semblent pas près de cesser et sont considérés comme les plus graves dans la région depuis l’instauration de l’Association des nations de l'Asie du Sud-Est (ASEAN) en 1967. L’organisation asiatique, dont sont membres la Thaïlande et le Cambodge, s’est déclarée inquiète. La situation, très critique, pourrait avoir de terribles conséquences sur la sécurité de la région