INGAME Transnational report

This Report describes and analyses the main research results carried out in the countries that make up the partnership and in the wider European context. In particular, the research methodology has seen the implementation of two phases, desk-based research conducted by all partner organisations through Literature Review and field-based research conducted in each country through online questionnaire

Redistributing Care Work for Gender Equality and Justice – a Training Curriculum

People contribute to the economy through their work in many different ways; such as small-scale trading in the local market or as casual labourers in commercial farms. Others are factory workers, miners, teachers, and domestic workers etc. Through their work women and men contribute to the productive economy by producing goods and services that people use every day. It is this work that is counted and measured by governments. Yet, the work of social reproduction – which refers to the activities needed to ensure the reproduction of the labour force – is not counted. Social reproduction includes activities such as child bearing, rearing, and caring for household members (such as children, the elderly and workers). These tasks are completed mostly by women and girls and support all the activities in the productive economy. Unpaid care work is a component of social reproduction relating specifically to all the activities that go towards caring for people within a household or community. This work is not paid, requires time and energy, and is done out of social obligation and/or love and affection. However, this is an essential component of the economy – care work sustains all other human activity. We know that care is critical in our lives – it has a widespread, long term, positive impact on well-being and development. However, prevalent gender norms – the ways in which women and men are expected to behave – and class inequalities lead to an imbalance in care work with women and girls living in poverty taking on a far greater share of unpaid and paid care work under difficult working conditions.UK Department for International Developmen

Historical learning in the design of WTO rules: the EC sugar case

The Uruguay Round Agreement made significant changes to the governance of international trade. Trade rules and dispute settlement mechanisms were altered and a series of specific agreements provided for liberalisation across economic sectors. The Agreement on Agriculture, arguably the most difficult and contentious to negotiate, permitted the continued use of trade-distorting instruments, both domestically and at the border. Rule-enforcement in agriculture therefore relies crucially on the clarity of the rules. This paper provides an in-depth study of a unique and critical case for understanding the new rules: the EC sugar regime. This policy was challenged unsuccessfully under the pre-Uruguay Round rules, but successfully under the new rules. This case is particularly valuable in allowing us to isolate the effect of the Uruguay Round on agricultural trade disputes: the policy under challenge was essentially unchanged and the legal actions addressed the same concern – excessive export subsidisation. Drawing on primary and secondary materials and interviews with key policy actors, sugar is used to illustrate how those involved in the multilateral process learned from particular rule weaknesses revealed in earlier cases, revising those rules in the Uruguay Round in such a way that dispute panels can more readily and objectively determine rule breaches

A comment on the multifaceted relationship between multinational enterprises and within-country inequality

The capacity of Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) to generate employment and upgrade the quality of the host country’s human capital is arguably it’s most immediate and significant contribution to economic growth, a key objective of an MNE-assisted development agenda. However, whether by direct or indirect action, or by inaction, MNEs can have both a positive and a negative effect on within-country inequality, not least because they play an outsized and growing role in most economies. Much is unclear about the mechanisms underlying the link between MNE activity and inequality. We believe it is necessary - for both MNEs and policymakers- to have a more nuanced understanding of how, and under what circumstances, the presence of MNEs affects inequality in host economies. We therefore highlight some key issues and avenues for future research

Brechas latentes : índice de avance contra la desigualdad Perú 2016

Busca aportar al debate sobre la desigualdad en el Perú partiendo del análisis de la información existente, proveyendo una lectura complementaria y alternativa. Se apunta a la construcción de una herramienta para la discusión que combine indicadores de proceso y resultado que permitan evaluar: (i) el esfuerzo que se hace desde el Gobierno por reducir/erradicar las brechas y barreras de la desigualdad, y (ii) qué tan efectivos han sido tales esfuerzos. El Índice se organiza por niveles: el índice mismo, ejes e indicadores. En cada uno de estos niveles existe información relevante que proporciona una perspectiva de la situación de la desigualdad en el país. El análisis para los indicadores y los ejes puede hacerse tanto individualmente como en forma combinada, permitiendo lecturas transversales y complementarias sobre aspectos decisivos para la lucha contra la desigualdad en el Perú. De esta forma, en el nivel más básico el análisis se puede circunscribir a un indicador específico, que provee información relevante sobre un tema particular de la desigualdad. En el nivel intermedio, la agrupación de indicadores permite el análisis en un eje específico que resulta importante para la desigualdad. Finalmente, en el último nivel, la información de los ejes consolidados en el Índice mismo permite una lectura general del panorama de la desigualdad, así como del impacto de las políticas públicas para reducirla

Conveni regulador de la subvenció concedida per l'Ajuntament de Barcelona a l'entitat Fundació Oxfam Intermón per a l'execució del projecte Programa Justícia Digital Global- fase 2

Aprovat entre l'Ajuntament de Barcelona i la Fundació Oxfam Intermón el 13-12-2023

A social compromise for the anthropocene? : elite reactions to the Escazú Agreement and the prospects for a Latin American transformative green state

Números monográficos con título distintivo catalogados individualmente.‎Bajo la denominación "Documentos de trabajo" se publican resultados de los proyectos de investigación realizados y promovidos por el CEALCI. Además pueden ser incluidos en esta serie aquellos trabajos que, previa aceptación por el Consejo Editorial, reunan los requisitos de calidad establecidos y coincidan con los objetivos de la Fundación Carolina y su Centro de Estudios.‎Bibliografía: p. 20-25Resumen: El mundo enfrenta con urgencia la necesidad de una “transformación verde”, que implica no solo una transición hacia el uso de energías renovables y la reducción de la pérdida de biodiversidad, sino también un profundo cambio social hacia la justicia social y la sostenibilidad. Ello requiere de compromisos sociales entre élites y sectores populares que permitan construir instituciones fuertes para implementar cambios. América Latina afronta enormes desafíos para aumentar la igualdad, la justicia y la sostenibilidad, pero también puede jugar un papel fundamental en la transformación verde global. La región también se caracteriza por tener élites robustas, fuertes movimientos socioambientales y profundos conflictos ambientales, que dificultan los compromisos sociales. Este documento analiza las reacciones de las élites al acuerdo regional más avanzado sobre regulación ambiental y resolución de conflictos, el Acuerdo de Escazù. En muchos países, las élites se opusieron con vehemencia, arguyendo la injerencia sobre su soberanía nacional, pero rechazando particularmente las implicaciones institucionales del acuerdo que suponen un mayor compromiso para permitir la participación popular. A esto se opusieron las élites económicas de los países democráticos (Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica y Perú), así como las élites gubernamentales de los países autoritarios (El Salvador y Venezuela). Sin embargo, en varios casos, la oposición de las élites fue superada gracias a la movilización social y al diálogo. Este documento analiza los aprendizajes de las reacciones de las élites al Acuerdo de Escazú ante futuros compromisos sociales como base para el surgimiento de Estados transformadores en América Latina

Finding ways together to build resilience the vulnerability and risk assessment methodology

The VRA in the Bobirwa Sub-district, Botswana, was conducted in collaboration with ASSAR partners University of Botswana, University of Cape Town and University of Namibia. ASSAR is one of five research programmes funded under the Collaborative Adaptation Research Initiative in Africa and Asia (CARIAA), with financial support from the UK Government’s Department for International Development (DfID) and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), Canada. Oxfam is one of the consortium leads of ASSAR. The views expressed in this report are solely those of the authors. ASSAR is not responsible for its content.agriculture; food security; livelihoods; climate change adaptation; resilience; Vulnerability; risk; Social groups; Gender; Development; Landscape; Afghanistan; Armenia; Bangladesh; Botswana; Ghana; Myanmar; Philippines

A tale of two cities: restoring water services in Kabul and Monrovia

Kabul and Monrovia, the respective capitals of Afghanistan and Liberia, have recently emerged from long-lasting armed conflicts. In both cities, a large number of organisations took part in emergency water supply provision and later in the rehabilitation of water systems. Based on field research, this paper establishes a parallel between the operations carried out in the two settings, highlighting similarities and analysing the two most common strategies. The first strategy involves international financial institutions, which fund large-scale projects focusing on infrastructural rehabilitation and on the institutional development of the water utility, sometimes envisaging private-sector participation. The second strategy involves humanitarian agencies, which run community-based projects, in most cases independently of the water utilities, and targeting low-income areas. Neither of these approaches manages to combine sustainability and universal service. The paper assesses their respective strengths and weaknesses and suggests ways of improving the quality of assistance provided