Use of Nuclear Weapons and the Law of Armed Conflict

The breakdown of the arms control regime bolstered by the ongoing arms race in the development of new weapon and delivery systems is of grave concern to the international community. Under the concept of flexible deterrence, nuclear weapons upgrades and modifications to lower yields are supposed to expand options for their deployment. The question that arises is, would such use on the modern battlefield be legal under the law of armed conflict, or would it constitute a severe violation of this body of law. The authors argue that most customary principles and rules of the law of armed conflict would not necessarily deem the use of nuclear weapons illegal. However, such use would gravely violate the fundamental principle of prohibition of weapons of a nature to cause superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering. The authors examine medical data gathered from Hiroshima and Nagasaki, including data related to the long-term health effects of the nuclear bombings. Ionizing radiation emitted during a nuclear explosion serves no military purpose; it offers no military advantage while unnecessarily aggravating the suffering of affected combatants. While the use of nuclear weapons might not necessarily violate other fundamental principles applicable during the conduct of hostilities such as proportionality, distinction or precautions, depending on the method of deployment, the use of nuclear weapons would violate the customary rule of prohibition of employment of weapons of a nature to cause superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering.This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 19H0435

発刊にあたって : “Only One”で“No 1”の研究施設を目指して

IPSHU Research Report Series No.33 : 平成29年度第1回広島大学平和科学研究センター主催国際シンポジウム「原爆体験・戦争記憶の継承〜託す平和遺産」, パートII : 日本語版, Editor: Luli van der DOE

閉会の辞

IPSHU Research Report Series No.34 : 平成29年度第2回広島大学平和科学研究センター主催国際シンポジウム「復興と平和構築」, 後半部分 : 日本語版, Editor: Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University (Editor-in-chief: Shinsuke TOMOTSUGU

Politics of the slips of the tongue of the ministers

The aim of this paper is to explore major political factors constituting slips of the tongue of ministers in Japan.Namely, this paper clarifies the salient political situations which make the speeches of the ministers slips of thetongue. In doing so, the history of the slips of the tongue in the Post- war Japan can be written. This is also one ofthe aims of this paper.The major political factors of speeches of the ministers are: the content of the speech, conditions of the domesticpolitics and diplomatic relations, and reaction of mass media. If the speech is to justify Japan's military activities inthe China-Japanese War (1931–1945) and in the Pacific War (1941–1945), to cast doubt upon the necessity of theArticle 9, to comment on the nuclear armament of Japan, and to discriminate against Asian people and minoritypeople in the U.S. As a result, the speech becomes a domestic and a diplomatic issue and is picked up by the press.In these cases, the speeches of the minister become slips of the tongue

趣旨説明

IPSHU Research Report Series No.34 : 平成29年度第2回広島大学平和科学研究センター主催国際シンポジウム「復興と平和構築」, 後半部分 : 日本語版, Editor: Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University (Editor-in-chief: Shinsuke TOMOTSUGU

Political outcomes of the slips of the tongue of the ministers and their empirical validation : An analysis of the result of a national election

There are two aims of this paper. The first purpose is to explore major political outcomes brought about by slipsof the tongue of the ministers in Japan. The other is to attempt at their empirical demonstration. As far as we know,few earlier studies in political language have attempted an actual validation of alleged effects of political language. The present paper shows political functions, political effects and political responsibilities of slips of the tongue ofthe ministers in Japan. Three major political functions and effects are a point of attack against the Government par-ties by the oppositions, cause of a split in the diplomatic relations between Japan and the countries concerned, desta-bilization of the foundation of coalition government. These three political functions or influences can be found inmost cases of slips of the tongue of the ministers. This paper also clarifies the political responsibilities of the minis-ters concerned. The ministers in question have never been appointed to posts of minister or to important posts in theDiet or LDP once they resigned from the ministerial position because of the slip of the tongue. They have, however,never lost their positions as a member of the Diet. This is because slips of the tongue have little effect on the elec-tions of the ministers. Why do the opposition parties use these slips of the tongue as an object of attack against the Government parties?Support expansion and vote acquisition will be plausible answers. This paper attempts to show whether these twofunctions work or not. For this purpose, it discusses the result of a national election, especially the rates of votes andthe number of elected persons, of the House of Representatives. The result shows that the political functions of sup-port expansion and vote acquisition work hardly in the medium and small electoral districts. However, PrimeMinister Yoshiro Mori's verbal missteps have a considerable effect on the election of proportional representation

Foreword: Aspiring to create a unique and the best research institute of its kind

IPSHU Research Report Series No.33 : The First International symposium 2017 hosted by Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University “The Atomic Bombs and War Memories: Heritage of Peace in an Uncertain Age”, Part1: English Version, Editor: Luli van der DOE

継承の課題 : 何が継承できるのか、何を継承するのか

IPSHU Research Report Series No.33 : 平成29年度第1回広島大学平和科学研究センター主催国際シンポジウム「原爆体験・戦争記憶の継承〜託す平和遺産」, パートII : 日本語版, Editor: Luli van der DOE

Closing Remarks

IPSHU Research Report Series No.34 : 2nd International symposium 2017 hosted by Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University, “Reconstruction and Peacebuilding”, The first half: English Version, Editor: Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University (Editor-in-chief: Shinsuke TOMOTSUGU