38 research outputs found

    Adolescents’ aided recall of targeted and non-targeted tobacco communication campaigns in the united states

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    We examined whether advertisements from two national tobacco control campaigns targeting adolescents (i.e., The Real Cost, Fresh Empire) and one campaign targeting adults (i.e., Tips from Former Smokers) were reaching adolescents. Data came from a national sample of adolescents aged 13 to 17 years (n = 975) surveyed by phone from August 2016 to May 2017. We assessed recall and attitudes toward five specific advertisements and three campaign slogans and examined differences by sub-groups. Almost all (95%) adolescents recalled seeing at least one campaign advertisement. Aided recall of The Real Cost and Tips from Former Smokers slogans was high (65.5% and 71.6%, respectively), while aided recall of Fresh Empire slogan was lower (15.3%) (χ2 p-value: p < 0.001); however, Black adolescents had higher odds of recalling the Fresh Empire ad (aOR: 2.28, 95% CI: 1.39, 3.73) and slogan (aOR: 2.64, 95% CI: 1.06, 6.54) compared to White adolescents. Increased exposure to the advertisements (i.e., recalling more advertisements) was significantly associated with higher odds of reporting negative feelings toward tobacco products in 4/5 models (aORs from 1.34 to 1.61). Large-scale national campaigns can have wide reach among both targeted and non-targeted audiences with added benefits for cumulative cross-campaign exposure to advertisements

    Believability of new diseases reported in the 2014 Surgeon General's Report on smoking: Experimental results from a national survey of US adults

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    Background Tobacco use is the leading cause of preventable disease and death globally. The 2014 Surgeon General's Report included new diseases linked to smoking, including liver and colon cancer, diabetes and tuberculosis. As more diseases are linked to smoking, which diseases should we communicate to the public and what message source has the most impact? Methods Data were collected through a nationally representative phone survey of US adults (N = 5014), conducted from September 2014 through May 2015. We experimentally randomized participants to a 2 (new smoking disease messages - liver and colon cancers compared to diabetes and tuberculosis) by 4 (message sources - CDC, FDA, Surgeon General, and none) experiment. The outcome was message believability. Results About half the sample was female (51.5%) and 17.8% were a current smoker. Overall, 56% of participants said the messages were very believable. Cancer messages (liver and colon cancer) were significantly more believable than messages about chronic disease (tuberculosis and diabetes), 61% vs. 52%. Smokers were less likely to report both sets of new disease messages as very believable compared to non-smokers. Significantly more smokers intending to quit (44.5%) found the messages to be very believable compared to smokers not intending to quit (22.6%). Believability did not differ by message source. Conclusion Important differences exist in believability of disease messages about new tobacco-related information. Messages emphasizing the causal link between smoking and new diseases should be considered for use in mass media campaigns

    Understanding Why Pictorial Cigarette Pack Warnings Increase Quit Attempts

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    Background: Our randomized trial found that pictorial cigarette pack warnings elicited more quit attempts than text-only warnings. Purpose: In the current study, we sought to identify psychological mechanisms that explain why pictorial cigarette pack warnings change behavior. Methods: In 2014 and 2015, we recruited 2,149 adult smokers in NC and CA, USA. We randomly assigned smokers to receive on their cigarette packs for 4 weeks either a text-only warning (one of the USA's current warnings on the side of cigarette packs) or a pictorial warning (one of the USA's proposed text warnings with pictures on the top half of the front and back of cigarette packs). Results: Pictorial warnings increased attention to, reactions to, and social interactions about cigarette pack warnings (all p < .05). However, pictorial warnings changed almost no belief or attitude measures. Mediators of the impact of pictorial warnings included increased attention, negative affect, social interactions, thinking about the warning and harms of smoking, and intentions to quit (all p < .05). Analyses also found that pictorial warnings led to greater avoidance of the warnings, which was associated with more quit attempts (p < .05). Conclusions: Pictorial warnings increased quit attempts by eliciting aversive reactions and by keeping the message vividly in smokers' minds. Contrary to predictions from several theories of health behavior, the warnings exerted little of their influence through changes in beliefs and attitudes and none of their influence through changes in risk perception. We propose the Tobacco Warnings Model based on these findings

    Identifying Promising Themes for Adolescent Vaping Warnings: A National Experiment

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    Introduction: Adolescent vaping remains a problem in the United States, yet little is known about what health warning themes most discourage vaping among adolescents. We sought to identify the most compelling themes for vaping warnings for US adolescents. Methods: Participants were a national probability sample of 623 US adolescents aged 13-17 years, recruited in the summer of 2020. Adolescents were randomized to one of the five warning message themes about the potential health effects of vaping: 1. chemical harms, 2. lung harms, 3. Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) harms, 4. nicotine addiction, or 5. control (messages about vape litter). The primary outcome was perceived message effectiveness (PME; 3-item scale). Secondary outcomes were negative affect (fear), attention, anticipated social interactions, and message novelty. Results: Adolescents rated the chemical, lung, and COVID-19 harms warning messages higher on PME than nicotine addiction and control (all p <. 05), while nicotine addiction was rated higher than control (p <. 05). The chemical, lung, and COVID-19 harms warning themes also elicited greater negative affect than nicotine addiction and control (all p <. 05). For all other secondary outcomes, the COVID-19 harms warning message theme was rated higher than nicotine addiction and control (all p <. 05). Conclusion: Adolescents perceived warning message themes about lung, chemical and COVID-19 health effects of vaping as more effective than nicotine addiction. To discourage vaping, the FDA and others should communicate to youth about the health effects of vaping beyond nicotine addiction. Implications: Adolescents rated warning message themes about the lung, chemical, and COVID-19 health effects of vaping as more effective than nicotine addiction, while nicotine addiction was rated as more effective than control themes about vaping litter. To discourage vaping among adolescents, health messaging should expand message themes to communicate about a broader set of health effects of vaping beyond nicotine addiction

    Factors Influencing Trust in Agencies That Disseminate Tobacco Prevention Information

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    Several health-related agencies administer national and targeted public education campaigns to provide health information and change health-related behaviors. The trust the public has in these agencies as the source of the message impacts the effectiveness of their communication campaigns. In this study, we explore the perceived trust of agencies that communicate health messages in the tobacco control field. As part of a larger tobacco regulatory science study, we conducted six 90-min focus groups comprising 41 participants. Five main themes emerged pertinent to the agency: (1) its integrity, (2) its competence, (3) its motives, (4) how it is portrayed in the media, and (5) skepticism and mistrust about it. Given the significant resources spent on health messaging to the public and potential benefits offered by this communication, an understanding of public trust in the agencies as the source of health messages is important. Findings suggest health information may be ignored or discounted when there is mistrust in the agency sending those messages

    Believability of cigarette warnings about addiction: National experiments of adolescents and adults

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    Introduction: We conducted two experiments to examine the believability of three addictionfocused cigarette warnings and the influence of message source on believability among adolescents and adults in the United States. Methods: Experimental data were collected using national phone surveys of adolescents (age 13-17; n = 1125; response rate, 66%) and adults (age 18+; n = 5014; response rate, 42%). We assessed the believability of three cigarette warnings about addiction attributed to four message sources (Food and Drug Administration [FDA], Surgeon General, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], no source). Results: The majority of adolescents and adults reported the three cigarette warnings were very believable (49%-81% for adolescents; 47%-76% for adults). We found four to five times higher odds of adolescents believing a warning that cigarettes are addictive (warning 1) or that nicotine was an addictive chemical (warning 2) compared to a warning that differentiated the addictive risks of menthol versus traditional cigarettes (warning 3), warning 1 adjusted odds ratio (aOR): 4.53, 95% confidence interval (CI): 3.10, 6.63; warning 2 aOR: 3.87, 95% CI: 2.70, 5.50. Similarly, we found three to five times higher odds of adults (including current smokers) believing the same warnings, warning 1 aOR: 3.74, 95% CI: 2.82, 4.95; warning 2 aOR: 3.24, 95% CI: 2.45, 4.28. Message source had no overall impact on the believability of warnings for either population. Conclusions: Our findings support the implementation of FDA's required warnings that cigarettes are addictive and that nicotine is an addictive chemical. These believable warnings may deter adolescents from initiating smoking and encourage adults to quit smoking. Implications: This article describes, for the first time, the believability of different cigarette warnings about addiction. We now know that the majority of adolescents and adults believe cigarette warnings that highlight cigarettes as addictive and that nicotine is an addictive chemical in tobacco. However, a warning that highlighted the relative risk of addiction for menthol cigarettes compared to traditional cigarettes was not as believable among either population. Our findings support the implementation of FDA's required warnings that cigarettes are addictive and that nicotine is an addictive chemical that may deter adolescents from initiating smoking and encourage adults to quit smoking

    Adolescents' Understanding of Smoking and Vaping Risk Language: Cognitive Interviews to Inform Scale Development

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    Introduction: Perceived message effectiveness (PME) is a common metric to understand receptivity to tobacco prevention messages, yet most measures have been developed with adults. We examined adolescents' interpretation of language within candidate items for a new youth-targeted PME measure using cognitive interviewing. We sought to understand the meaning adolescents assigned to our candidate PME items to improve item wording. Aims and Methods: Participants were 20 adolescents, ages 13-17 years from the United States. Cognitive interviews used a structured guide to elicit feedback on comprehension, answer retrieval, and language regarding a set of Reasoned Action Approach-based survey items that assessed the PME of smoking and vaping prevention ads. We employed thematic analysis to synthesize findings from the interviews. Results: Interviews identified three main issues related to survey items: ambiguity of language, word choice (risk and other terminology), and survey item phrasing. Adolescents preferred direct, definitive language over more ambiguous phrasing which they saw as less serious (eg, "will"instead of "could"). For risk terminology, they preferred terms such as "harmful"and "dangerous"over "risky,"which was viewed as easy to discount. The term "negative effects"was interpreted as encompassing a broader set of tobacco harms than "health effects."Adolescents said that the term "vape"was preferable to "e-cigarette,"and identified ways to simplify item wording for greater clarity. Conclusions: Tobacco risk terms that appear similar differ in meaning to adolescents, and more direct and unambiguous language is preferred. Our findings informed changes to the PME scale items to improve clarity and reduce measurement error. Implications: This study adds to the literature on how adolescents interpret tobacco prevention language. Adolescents may interpret terminology differently than adults, which could lead to ambiguity in meaning and thus measurement error. Through cognitive interviewing, we identified and improved the language in a youth-focused PME measure for tobacco and vaping prevention

    Reactions to messages about smoking, vaping and COVID-19: Two national experiments

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    Introduction The pace and scale of the COVID-19 pandemic, coupled with ongoing efforts by health agencies to communicate harms, have created a pressing need for data to inform messaging about smoking, vaping, and COVID-19. We examined reactions to COVID-19 and traditional health harms messages discouraging smoking and vaping. Methods Participants were a national convenience sample of 810 US adults recruited online in May 2020. All participated in a smoking message experiment and a vaping message experiment, presented in a random order. In each experiment, participants viewed one message formatted as a Twitter post. The experiments adopted a 3 (traditional health harms of smoking or vaping: Three harms, one harm, absent) Ă— 2 (COVID-19 harms: one harm, absent) between-subjects design. Outcomes included perceived message effectiveness (primary) and constructs from the Tobacco Warnings Model (secondary: Attention, negative affect, cognitive elaboration, social interactions). Results Smoking messages with traditional or COVID-19 harms elicited higher perceived effectiveness for discouraging smoking than control messages without these harms (all p <0.001). However, including both traditional and COVID-19 harms in smoking messages had no benefit beyond including either alone. Smoking messages affected Tobacco Warnings Model constructs and did not elicit more reactance than control messages. Smoking messages also elicited higher perceived effectiveness for discouraging vaping. Including traditional harms in messages about vaping elicited higher perceived effectiveness for discouraging vaping (p <0.05), but including COVID-19 harms did not. Conclusions Messages linking smoking with COVID-19 may hold promise for discouraging smoking and may have the added benefit of also discouraging vaping

    Cigarette constituent health communications for smokers: Impact of chemical, imagery, and source

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    Introduction: Communication campaigns are incorporating tobacco constituent messaging to reach smokers, yet there is a dearth of research on how such messages should be constructed or will be received by smokers. Methods: In a 2 Ă— 2 Ă— 2 experiment, we manipulated three cigarette constituent message components: (1) the toxic constituent of tobacco (arsenic vs. lead) with a corresponding health effect, (2) the presence or absence of an evocative image, and (3) the source of the message (FDA vs. no source). We recruited smokers (N = 1669, 55.4% women) via an online platform and randomized them to one of the eight message conditions. Participants viewed the message and rated its believability and perceived effectiveness, the credibility of the message source, and action expectancies (ie, likelihood of seeking additional information and help with quitting as a result of seeing the message). Results: We found significant main effects of image, constituent, and source on outcomes. The use of arsenic as the constituent, the presence of an evocative image, and the FDA as the source increased the believability, source credibility, and perceived effectiveness of the tobacco constituent health message. Conclusions: Multiple elements of a constituent message, including type of constituent, imagery, and message source, impact their reception among smokers. Specifically, communication campaigns targeting smokers that utilize arsenic as the tobacco constituent, visual imagery, and the FDA logo may be particularly effective in changing key outcomes that are associated with subsequent attitude and behavioral changes. Implications: This article describes how components of communication campaigns about cigarette constituents are perceived. Multiple elements of a tobacco constituent message, including type of constituent, image, and message source may influence the reception of messages among current smokers. Communication campaigns targeting smokers that utilize arsenic as the tobacco constituent, visual imagery, and the FDA logo may be particularly effective in changing key outcomes among smokers. The effects of such campaigns should be examined, as well as the mechanisms through which such campaigns affect change

    Public knowledge and credibility perceptions of the FDA as a tobacco regulator

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    efforts that increase the public's understanding of the FDA's role as a tobacco regulator may positively impact views of the agency's credibility. This may in turn improve public reception to the FDA's messages and regulations. Implications This study is the first to show nationally representative estimates of both knowledge and credibility of the FDA as a tobacco regulator. Our research shows further that knowledge of the FDA's tobacco regulatory roles is likely to be an important factor related to perceived credibility of the FDA. Increasing the public's knowledge of the FDA's roles may enhance the agency's credibility, which can improve public reception to messages and regulations.Introduction Since the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) was granted regulatory authority over tobacco products in 2009, few studies have examined perceived credibility of the FDA in this role. The current study assessed knowledge and credibility of the FDA as a regulator of tobacco products. Methods In a nationally representative survey of U.S. adults (N = 4758), we assessed knowledge that the FDA regulates the manufacture, distribution, and marketing of cigarettes, and credibility of the FDA as a tobacco regulator. We examined demographic differences in knowledge and credibility, and associations of knowledge and trust in government with credibility perceptions. Results Less than half of respondents reported knowing the FDA regulates how cigarettes are sold (46.8%) and advertised (49.7%), and only 36.0% knew the FDA regulates how cigarettes are made, with few demographic differences. Respondents reported that the FDA was moderately credible in regulating tobacco. Knowledge of the FDA as a tobacco regulator and trust in government were the strongest predictors of credibility. Being of younger age, being White (compared to African American), and being male were associated with higher credibility ratings of the FDA. Conclusions Much of the public still does not know that the FDA regulates tobacco products, and credibility perceptions are moderate. Greater knowledge of the FDA's regulatory role was associated with higher credibilit
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