Elisabeth Wishnick, Mending Fences, The Evolution of Moscow’s China Policy from Brezhnev to Yeltsin

In contrast to numerous Western countries, the Soviets and their successors harbour few illusions about China, as demonstrated in one of the principal revelations of this work. That does not mean, however, that Soviet, then Russian, policy towards China has always been impressed with the seal of efficacy. As the title indicates, the work by Elisabeth Wishnick tackles the question of the relations between Moscow and Peking from the point of view of the former capital; it thus fills an importan..

La Chine face à la crise

Cet article pose la question de la capacité de la Chine à sortir de l’actuelle crise économique mondiale sans remettre en cause les politiques engagées ni menacer la stabilité sociale. Dans quelle mesure la situation économique et la crainte des troubles sociaux obligeront-elles Pékin à recourir au nationalisme et à adopter des positions internationales dures, tant sur le plan politique qu’économique

The Balance of Power in Asia: A Challenge for Europe?

International relations in Asia, behind a façade of regional integration, remain governed by pragmatism and power politics. So the strategic situation in Asia is dominated by a dynamic of tension, mainly emanating from the Chinese mainspring, leading in turn to the strengthening of military capacity and posing some difficult choices for governments across the region and elsewhere. This lack of progress, despite the disruptions that followed the end of the Cold War, poses a real challenge to Europe which, on the contrary, is intent upon reshaping itself according to completely different principles

Singulière et ambiguë: la relation franco-chinoise en redéfinition

"Trotz einzelner Krisen erfuhren die französisch-chinesischen Beziehungen seit Beginn der achtziger Jahre eine stetige Intensivierung, die um die Jahrtausendwende zur Begründung einer 'strategischen Partnerschaft' zwischen beiden Ländern führte. Ein wachsendes Ungleichgewicht zwischen beiden Volkswirtschaften belastet jedoch die Beziehungen heute – ebenso wie die aggressive Technologietransferpolitik Chinas oder die Asymmetrien zwischen beiden Staaten bezüglich der Investitionen ins Partnerland und der Öffnung ihrer Märkte. Auch die politischen Interessen beider Länder divergieren deutlich. Zielen Frankreich wie die Europäische Union auf die Integration Chinas in das internationale System sowie dessen Wirtschaftsentwicklung, stehen für die Volksrepublik der Erhalt des politischen Systems und der Wunsch nach einer multipolaren Weltordnung als Gegenstrategie zu amerikanischer Vorherrschaft im Vordergrund. Angesichts des Versuchs Chinas, eine strategische Partnerschaft allein in den Dienst seiner eigenen Ziele zu stellen, muss Frankreich künftig verstärkt das Prinzip der Gegenseitigkeit einfordern, um den französisch-chinesischen Beziehungen auf Dauer Stabilität zu verleihen." (Autorenreferat)"Despite different setbacks, the French-Chinese relations underwent a steady development since the beginning of the eighties, which led to a 'strategic partnership' between both countries at the turn of the millennium. Though, an increasing imbalance between both economies strains the relations today – as well as the aggressive technology transfer policy of China or the asymmetries between both states concerning the mutual investments and the opening of their markets. The political interests of both countries also clearly diverge. Whereas France, like the European Union, counts on the integration of China in the international system as well as on its economic development, China focuses on the maintenance of its political system and on the creation of a multipolar order against the American superpower. Since China is seeking to put the 'strategic partnership' at the single service of its own goals, France will have to insist more on the principle of reciprocity to keep the Franco-Chinese relations sustainable in the future." (author's abstract

China and Central Asia

Despite the end of the Cold War and the break-up of the USSR, Central Asia remains a core element in the security strategy of the People’s Republic of China. This strategy, establishing a continuum between China’s internal and external security, has evolved from a strategy of influence following the independence of the new republics to a period of pragmatic adaptation to developments in the international arena after the terrorist attacks of September 11th. The Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) has emerged as the instrument for this flexible strategy of adaptation, of which the economic and energy dimension has now become key

La Chine et l’Asie centrale

En dépit de la fin de la guerre froide et de l’éclatement de l’URSS, l’Asie centrale constitue toujours un élément essentiel de la stratégie de sécurité de la République populaire de Chine. Cette stratégie établit un continuum entre sécurité intérieure et sécurité extérieure et a connu un processus d’évolution depuis la mise en place d’une stratégie d’influence au lendemain de l’indépendance des nouvelles républiques jusqu’à l’adaptation pragmatique à l’évolution du contexte international après les attentats du 11 septembre. L’Organisation de coopération de Shanghai (OCS) apparaît comme l’instrument de cette stratégie flexible d’adaptation dont la dimension économique et énergétique est aujourd’hui devenue essentielle

China in the Face of Economic Crisis

This article considers whether China can emerge from the global economic crisis with its current policies vindicated and its social order intact. Or will the Chinese development model fail to cope? Will the socio-economic situation and the ever-present, deeply held fear of turmoil force Beijing to resort to whipping up nationalism and adopting an aggressive economic and political stance abroad