Population and age structure

This paper provides a contemporary overview of the changing size and composition of Australia\u27s Indigenous population. The paper is structured around six key demographic and geographic features of the Indigenous population: Age structure: The Indigenous population is relatively young; Population change: The Indigenous population is increasing at a much faster rate than the non-Indigenous population; Structural ageing: The Indigenous population is ageing and projected to age even faster over the next few decades; Mobility: Indigenous Australians are more likely to be away from their place of usual residence at a given point in time and more likely to change their place of usual residence over a given time period; Geography: The Indigenous population is much more likely to live in remote and very remote Australia relative to the non-Indigenous population but, in absolute terms, most Indigenous Australians live in urban or regional parts of the country; and Urbanisation: The Indigenous population is becoming more urban and this pattern is likely to continue over the next few decades. In the final section of the paper, some of the demographic, policy and socioeconomic impacts of the changing Indigenous population are discussed

Indigenous housing need

This paper provides an update of the evidence on different aspects of the housing situation of Indigenous Australians. By using a regional approach, it is possible to get a sense of how the housing circumstances of the population vary across our cities, regional and remote areas. Data for the analysis is drawn mainly from the 2006 and 2011 Censuses and the paper examines variation across aspects of housing use and overcrowding, housing tenure, homelessness, and household income and housing costs. One of the main findings from the analysis is that although housing need is greatest in remote areas (with very high rates of overcrowding in some parts of the country) there are still large disparities with the non-Indigenous population in urban regions. Because of the number of Indigenous Australians living in these parts of the country, urban areas cannot be ignored when trying to meet government targets

The changing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population: evidence from the 2006–11 Australian Census Longitudinal Dataset

Abstract Populations change and grow through time. Keeping track of this change and associated improvements or worsening in outcomes is a key role for statistical agencies and researchers, and is necessary for an informed and evidence-based policy debate. This is no truer than for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians (generally referred to as Indigenous Australians throughout the rest of this paper). Despite making up only a small percentage of the total Australian population, Indigenous people are a key focus of policy discussion in Australia, with a number of targets set by government against which progress is evaluated. The release of the Australian Census Longitudinal Dataset (ACLD) by the Australian Bureau of Statistics in the form of aggregate data in late 2013 and individual data in late 2014 provides an opportunity to better understand and evaluate the changing nature of the Indigenous population between 2006 and 2011. For the first time, it is possible to compare the identified Indigenous status for an individual in one year with their identified status in previous years using census data. Furthermore, the ACLD provides the first opportunity to look at the changing socioeconomic circumstances of Indigenous Australians, and compare these circumstances with the rest of the population. This paper provides a summary of such an analysis with the aim of spurring additional research and policy discussion

The economic and social benefits of increasing Indigenous employment

Using the latest available data and research, this paper provides estimates of the likely economic and social benefits of increasing Indigenous employment to the same level as in the non-Indigenous population. Introduction Relatively low rates of employment are one of the reasons for many of the poor economic and social outcomes experienced by Indigenous Australians. Increases in the rate of Indigenous employment would result in significant economic gains to the individuals who move into employment, and their families and communities, to the government who would receive higher tax revenues and have lower social security outlays, and the economy as a whole via the increases in the effective labour supply. The existing research also finds that there are health and social benefits that flow from paid employment. This paper, using the latest available data and research, provides estimates of the likely economic and social benefits of increasing Indigenous employment to the same level as in the non-Indigenous population (i.e. closing the employment gap). It was commissioned by the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet to help inform the work of the Indigenous Jobs and Training Review chaired by Andrew Forrest

Does it pay to go to school? The benefits of and participation in education of Indigenous Australians

Those who have finished high school and/or obtained non-school qualifications experience a range of positive outcomes throughout their lives. Despite these benefits being likely to apply to the Indigenous Australian population, current as well as past participation in education is substantially lower than that of the non-Indigenous population. Some reasons for this relatively low participation may be locational and monetary disadvantage, household overcrowding and a curriculum that is not always relevant. How Indigenous Australians form their expectations about the benefits of education and what these expectations might be (accurate or otherwise) may also influence educational participation. ¶ This thesis looks at the education outcomes of Indigenous Australians. There are two main research questions are examined. The first is what are the relative benefits of education for the Indigenous population? The main outcomes that are focussed on are employment and income; however, there is also analysis of the extent to which those with higher education levels report better health outcomes or more favourable health behaviour. ¶ The second main research question is what factors are associated with the decision to attend high school? That is, does the Indigenous population respond to the economic incentives to undertake education as estimated in this thesis? In addition, other factors at the individual, household and area level are likely to influence the social costs and benefits of education, as well as geographic and financial access. The extent to which these are associated with high school participation is also examine

Income

This paper uses data from the 2006 and 2011 Censuses to analyse the distribution of income within the Indigenous population and to make comparisons with the non-Indigenous population. The results from the analysis are mixed. On the one hand, after taking into account inflation, average disposable income for the Indigenous population went up from $391 per week in 2006 to$488 per week in 2011. While this is a positive development in terms of access to economic resources for the Indigenous population, the ratio of Indigenous to non-Indigenous average income stayed more or less the same over the period, from 0.703 in 2006 to 0.699 in 2011. In a time of relatively stable rates of government transfer payments and more rapid gains in employment related income, the gap with the non-Indigenous population is relatively stable. However, without the gains in mainstream employment for the Indigenous population documented previously, this gap is likely to have risen even further. Another major finding from the paper is that there is as much variation within the Indigenous population as there is between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous population. Despite this variation, for almost every demographic, geographic, education and employment combination, Indigenous Australians have a lower average income than their non-Indigenous counterparts. The only major exception to this is Indigenous females with a degree, who had a slightly higher average income than non-Indigenous females with a degree.The analysis in the series was funded by the Commonwealth Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs (FaHCSIA) through the Strategic Research Project as well as FaHCSIA and State/Territory governments through the Indigenous Populations Project

Population and Age Structure

The aim of this paper is to provide a contemporary overview of the changing size and composition of the Indigenous population. The paper is structured around six key demographic and geographic features of the Indigenous population: Age structure: The Indigenous population is relatively young; Population change: The Indigenous population is increasing at a much faster rate than the non-Indigenous population; Structural ageing: The Indigenous population is ageing and projected to age even faster over the next few decades; Mobility: Indigenous Australians are more likely to be away from their place of usual residence at a given point in time and more likely to change their place of usual residence over a given time period; Geography: The Indigenous population is much more likely to live in remote and very remote Australia relative to the non-Indigenous population but, in absolute terms, most Indigenous Australians live in urban or regional parts of the country; and Urbanisation: The Indigenous population is becoming more urban and this pattern is likely to continue over the next few decades. In the final section of the paper, some of the demographic, policy and socioeconomic impacts of the changing Indigenous population are discussed.The analysis in the series was funded by the Commonwealth Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs (FaHCSIA) through the Strategic Research Project as well as FaHCSIA and State/Territory governments through the Indigenous Populations Project

Location and segregation: The distribution of the Indigenous population across Australia's urban centres

According to the 2006 Census, around three-quarters of Indigenous Australians live in regional areas or major cities. This represents a small, but noticeable increase from previous census years, especially in large regional towns. While most measured socioeconomic outcomes are advantageous relative to remote parts of the country, there are still substantial gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians in regional and urban Australia. This paper focuses on which cities and large towns Indigenous Australians live in, how the Indigenous population is distributed by neighbourhood within these cities and towns, and what the characteristics of the neighbourhoods are in which Indigenous Australians are concentrated. This paper is part of a larger body of analysis looking at the circumstances and policy challenges facing Indigenous Australians in urban areas. Future work will consider the processes that result in residential segregation, the effects it has on individual outcomes (positive and negative) and the most appropriate policy responses