71 research outputs found
Reconstruction in Syria: challenges and policy options for the EU and its member states
Syria’s civil war has long since been decided in favour of the regime. There is no prospect of a negotiated settlement, reconciliation or lasting stabilisation. Syria faces enormous challenges, well beyond the rebuilding of infraÂstructure and housing. It will also need assistance to restart its economy, stabilise its currency and renew its public services, in particular education, health, electricity and water. The funds required for comprehensive reconstruction are extremely unÂlikely to become available, given the attitude of the Syrian leadership, the economic ramifications of the Covid-19 pandemic, and the geopolitical interests of regional and global powers. Nor are resources likely to be deployed in line with the needs of the population. The EU and its member states have made engagement in Syria's reconstrucÂtion conditional on viable steps towards a negotiated conflict settleÂment and a political opening. They should adapt their approach to align better with the current realities and challenges on the ground. That means in particular targeting humanitarian aid more effectively, dismantling certain sectoral sanctions and supporting the rehabilitation of basic infrastructure - even in areas controlled by the Syrian government. This would represent a more effective contribution to improving living conditions and avoiding further erosion of public services. Lasting stabilisation will require fundamental reforms. In this vein, BrusÂsels should spell out its "more for more" approach. Europe should refrain from normalising relations with the top leaders of the Assad regime and instead step up its support for prosecution of war crimes, grave human rights violations and the use of internationally banned weapons. (author's abstract
Materialsammlung zum FriedensprozeĂź im Nahen Osten: Anlageband zur Studie "Die EU und der FriedensprozeĂź im Nahen Osten"
Mit der Veröffentlichung der sogenannten road map des Nahost-Quartetts (USA, EU, Rußland und die Vereinten Nationen) und dem Gipfel von Aqaba im Juni 2003 ist Hoffnung auf eine Wiederaufnahme des Friedensprozesses in Nahost geweckt worden. Erste wichtige Schritte zur Beendigung der gewalttätigen Auseinandersetzungen sind getan: die Verkündung einer dreimonatigen Waffenruhe seitens der militanten palästinensischen Gruppierungen und der Abzug israelischer Truppen aus dem nördlichen Gaza-Streifen und aus dem Stadtgebiet von Bethlehem. Die road map könnte in der Tat ein Instrument darstellen, um den Friedensprozeß wiederzubeleben. Ob dieser erfolgreich sein wird, wird nicht nur vom Verhalten der Konfliktparteien abhängen, sondern auch von einem intensiven und nachhaltigen Engagement der internationalen Gemeinschaft. In diesem Zusammenhang wird es eine Herausforderung für die EU sein, ein nachhaltiges amerikanisches Engagement einzufordern. Gleichzeitig kann die EU direkt zu einer Konfliktlösung beitragen. Dabei sollten die Herbeiführung einer dauerhaften Waffenruhe, die Unterstützung einer Verhandlungslösung und der Aufbau eines lebensfähigen palästinensischen Gemeinwesens im Vordergrund stehen. Die Studie analysiert Zielsetzung, Ansatz und Maßnahmen der EU-Unterstützung für den Friedensprozeß seit 1993, zeigt Problemfelder auf und formuliert auf der Basis der bisherigen Erfahrungen Empfehlungen. Die Studie wird durch eine Materialsammlung ergänzt, die einen Überblick über die finanzielle Unterstützung der EU, Texte wichtiger EU-Deklarationen sowie internationaler Friedensinitiativen enthält. Zudem findet sich im Anlageband ein Rückblick, der die wichtigsten Entwicklungen des mit der Konferenz von Madrid 1991 eingeleiteten Nahost-Friedensprozesses rekapituliert
Hamas’ Atrocities, Israel’s Response, and the Primacy of International Law to Protect Civilians
The "deal of the century" for Israel-Palestine: US proposals are likely to speed demise of two-state settlement
US President Donald Trump has announced a "deal of the century" to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The plan is to be revealed at an undetermined date someÂtime after the Israeli parliamentary elections. While the details remain a well-kept secret, the US Administration’s record to date suggests that the initiative will priÂoriÂtise Israeli interests over Palestinian rights, ignore fundamental principles of interÂnational law, and steer well away from the idea of two sovereign states. The Palestinian leadership's rejection must therefore be expected. The incoming Israeli government is likely to treat that as a green light to implement those elements of the plan that serve to maintain its permanent control over East Jerusalem and strategic areas of the West Bank. This course also risks breakdown of the already precarious Israeli-PalÂesÂtinian cooperation on conflict management. The EU and its member states should take the publication of the US plan as an occasion to spell out the principles of the kind of conflict resolution that they could support, and state the consequences for European policy of Israeli annexation of parts of the West Bank. (Autorenreferat
Middle East peace talks at the end of the road? One-state reality consolidating
The nine months of negotiations agreed last summer by the US mediators and the two parties ended on 29 April 2014. US Secretary of State John Kerry has since announced a pause in US facilitation activities. Yet, a definitive breakdown or failure of the Middle East peace talks bears far-reaching risks. Even if the mediators were to succeed in effecting a restart of talks, there is scant hope of bridging the rifts within the year envisaged – at least if the previous approach were to be maintained. That will lead to a further consolidation of the one-state reality that has long since emerged between the Mediterranean and River Jordan. Germany and its partners in the European Union must face up to the alternatives: either a much more robust approach to propel the talks to a two-state solution, or insistence on equal political, economic and cultural rights for all in the territories controlled by Israel. (author's abstract
Amnesty International and the apartheid claim against Israel: political and legal relevance
On 1 February 2022, Amnesty International released a comprehensive report claiming that Israel is engaged in apartheid against the Palestinians and is thereby committing a crime against humanity. The Amnesty report is one in a series of publications by PalesÂtinian, Israeli and international human rights organizations that see the threshÂold to apartheid having been crossed in Israel and/or the Palestinian territories, although it should be noted that opinions about where such crimes are being comÂmitted differ from report to report. The EU and its member states should not adopt the apartheid claim without legal scrutiny. At the same time, they should take the grave human rights violations documented in the Amnesty report (and elsewhere) seriously. Under the Geneva Conventions, all signatory states incur direct legal obliÂgations to enforce compliance. (author's abstract
The EU in the Middle East and North Africa: helpless bystander rather than effective democracy promoter or stabilizing force
In 2011, European politicians, diplomats, media, and publics enthusiastically embraced the so-called Arab Spring. The EU pledged to generously support trans-formation processes initiated in the region with a “3 M” approach, which would combine monetary support, market access, and increased mobility, as well as through a reinvigorated European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). Yet, Europeans have not lived up to these promises. Against the backdrop of the Middle East and North Africa descending into ever greater levels of chaos and violence, the EU and its member states have been largely reduced to being bystanders, dealing with the symptoms of crises rather than impacting – let alone shaping – the path of developments. Yet, in view of an increasingly reluctant US government to provide regional stability, Europe has no choice but to address instability in its southern neighborhood. To be more effective actors, Europeans should revisit their priorities, underlying assumptions, policy frameworks, and instruments. (Autorenreferat
The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation Agreement of October 2017: an opportunity to end Gaza's humanitarian crisis and permanently overcome the blockade
Ten years after Hamas violently seized power in Gaza, and following a string of failures to reconcile the Palestinian factions, there are now signs of a rapprochement between Fatah and Hamas. In September 2017 the Hamas leadership announced it would dissolve the administrative committee it had established in March, opening the way for the Palestinian Authority (PA) to take over the government in the Gaza Strip. In mid-October representatives of Hamas and Fatah signed an Egyptian-mediated reconciliation agreement. On 1 November PA forces were deployed to the Palestinian side of the Rafah border crossing with Egypt. Even if there are still major obstacles to merging the two security apparatuses, establishing a unity government, restoring the democratic process and achieving comprehensive reconciliation - the chances of the rapprochement preventing another round of armed conflict and improving the situation for the population in crisis-ridden Gaza are considerably better this time around. Germany and its European partners should help to accentuate the positive dynamics, support permanent improvements of the situation in Gaza through practical steps and work towards comprehensive reconciliation between the Palestinian factions. (author's abstract
Palestinian elections, finally: significance, challenges and European responsibilities
2021 is shaping up to be a year of elections for the Palestinians, both in the Palestinian Territories and across the world. Three ballots are scheduled for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO). It is still unclear whether they will all take place as planned. The PA elections certainly have an important role to play in integrating the younger generations in the TerriÂtories, restoring political accountability and reinstating democratic checks and balÂances. The elections to the Palestinian National Council - the PLO’s parliament in exile - would be even more significant and a crucial step towards creating a repreÂsentative organ and establishing the basis for an inclusive discussion about the libÂeration movement’s future strategy and the role of the PA. The EU and its member states have been calling for years for the Palestinian leadership to revive the democratic process and overcome the Fatah/Hamas split. They should therefore not only support the elections with observers but also contribute actively to their being as free, fair and competitive as possible under the difficult circumstances. (author's abstract
Fifty years of German-Israeli diplomatic relations: whither the miracle of reconciliation?
The 12th of May 2015 marks the fiftieth anniversary of the inauguration of diplomatic relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the State of Israel. While Germany’s genocide of the European Jews means that these will never be normal relations, the anniversary sees leading representatives of both countries lauding the almost miraculous bond of trust and close web of contacts that have grown between them. And indeed, with no other country in the Middle East is Germany so closely associated. Nevertheless, reconciliation has remained largely a project of the elites, and the two societies are currently growing apart rather than together. Also, differences over a two-state settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are casting a heavy shadow over the relationship. Germany’s political elite and society should therefore take the anniversary as an occasion to reflect on the meaning of Germany’s historical responsibility and the implications for its policy towards Israel. (Autorenreferat
- …