Finishing the Job Best Practices for a Diverse Workforce in the Construction Industry v.8 Sept 2018

This manual is a work in progress. It is produced by the Policy Group on Tradeswomen’s Issues (PGTI), a regional collaboration of researchers, government agencies, unions, community-based organizations, developers and contractors committed to increasing access for women and people of color to good paying careers in the construction trades. Our goal is to make our shared efforts and experiences helpful to industry leaders who share our commitment. It is based on best practices developed on major projects that came close, met, or exceeded workforce hiring goals. This manual and additional resources are available online at on the PGTI website at www.policygroupontradeswomen.org . There is also a comment section. We look forward to receiving feedback from users that will help us improve the tools contained here. The Policy Group on Tradeswomen’s Issues (PGTI) is a regional collaboration of stakeholders working together since 2008 to crush the barriers to women’s access to good paying careers in the construction trades. Participants include tradeswomen, regional and local political leaders, representatives from state and federal government agencies, union and contractor representatives, staff from pre-apprentice programs, community-based organizations (CBOs) and other interested parties. Participants meet every other month to build relationships and share information across silos of expertise, to identify points of intervention that will get women into training and jobs and support high retention rates for women in the trades. Our focus on women explicitly supports efforts to increase all forms of diversity in the construction industry. In urban areas, as many as half of the women entering the trades are women of color. This demographic fact means that bringing more women into the trades addresses economic inequalities of both gender and race. As the industry opens up to women and people of color, the culture of workplaces is improving for all

BUILDING BRIDGES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF WOMEN WORKING IN THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY IN INDIA AND THE US

In January 2017, a delegation of women construction workers and advocates from the United States will visit India to meet with labour and civic leaders and share stories and experiences with women working in India’s construction industry. The goal of the delegation is to lay a foundation for an international network by and for women construction workers. This article describes the history and background of the delegation and its purpose

DESIGNING A PRE-APPRENTICESHIP MODEL FOR WOMEN ENTERING AND SUCCEEDING IN THE CONSTRUCTION TRADES

It has been over a quarter century since the Carter administration set a goal of increasing the number of women working in the construction industry to 6.9% of the workforce. It is often overlooked that the stated intent of this policy initiative was for women to make up 25% of construction workers by the year 2000 (Eisenberg, 1999). While some isolated projects have met or exceeded the 6.9% target, the number of women working in the construction trades nationally increased in the first few years after 1979, but leveled off at under 3% in the early 1980’s and has stayed at that level for over two decades (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2003). In fact, recent reports show that while the number of women moving into management and ownership positions in the construction industry has gone up sharply in the past few years, the number of tradeswomen has gone down

BUILDING BRIDGES- A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF WOMEN WORKING IN THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY IN INDIA AND THE US.pdf

In January 2017, a delegation of women construction workers and advocatesfrom the United States will visit India to meet with labour and civicleaders and share stories and experiences with women working in India’sconstruction industry. The goal of the delegation is to lay a foundation for aninternational network by and for women construction workers. This articledescribes the history and background of the delegation and its purpose

DESIGNING A PRE-APPRENTICESHIP MODEL FOR WOMEN ENTERING AND SUCCEEDING IN THE CONSTRUCTION TRADES

It has been over a quarter century since the Carter administration set a goal of increasing the number of women working in the construction industry to 6.9% of the workforce. It is often overlooked that the stated intent of this policy initiative was for women to make up 25% of construction workers by the year 2000 (Eisenberg, 1999). While some isolated projects have met or exceeded the 6.9% target, the number of women working in the construction trades nationally increased in the first few years after 1979, but leveled off at under 3% in the early 1980’s and has stayed at that level for over two decades (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2003). In fact, recent reports show that while the number of women moving into management and ownership positions in the construction industry has gone up sharply in the past few years, the number of tradeswomen has gone down

INVISIBLE NO MORE: Domestic workers organizing in Massachusetts and beyond

Domestic workers across the country are making it clear that, even in a difficult political environment, it is possible to make gains for low-wage workers. For the first time in many, many decades, domestic workers are finding ways to win. They are creat ing policy change that will improve the lives of hundreds of thousands of workers in tangible and substantial ways. The 2014 Massachusetts Domestic Workers’ Bill of Rights is the most expansive codification of rights for this long-overlooked part of the labor force ever to be enacted. In one sense, there is nothing new about domestic workers organizing for better wages and working conditions. From the days of the Atlanta washer- women’s strike at the end of the 19th century through the household employee organizing of the 1960s and 70s, women have joined together to challenge an industry in which, traditionally, they have been poorly compensated and routinely over- worked. But today’s domestic worker movement, while building on the past, is also breaking new ground. It has generated new political protagonists – the immigrant nannies, housecleaners and elder care- givers who now make up a substantial segment of the work force and whose commitment to orga- nizing is the foundation of today’s victories. It has been strategically innovative, winning campaigns for domestic worker bills of rights in four states, with more to come. It has welcomed and built upon the support of allies from organized labor, immigrant and workers’ rights groups, leaders from a range of faith communities, and ethically oriented employers. And it has networked and organized with women from around the world to win the very first international convention for domestic workers’ rights. Today’s domestic workers’ movement is a sustained and growing effort that draws upon and fertilizes the transformative vision and innovative organizing of communities of color, immigrant communities, low-wage workers and women of color. Domestic workers have stepped into their power. Their victories are expanding the realm of the possible, not only for themselves, but also for all who are committed to worker justice and dignity

INVISIBLE NO MORE: Domestic workers organizing in Massachusetts and beyond

Domestic workers across the country are making it clear that, even in a difficult political environment, it is possible to make gains for low-wage workers. For the first time in many, many decades, domestic workers are finding ways to win. They are creat ing policy change that will improve the lives of hundreds of thousands of workers in tangible and substantial ways. The 2014 Massachusetts Domestic Workers’ Bill of Rights is the most expansive codification of rights for this long-overlooked part of the labor force ever to be enacted. In one sense, there is nothing new about domestic workers organizing for better wages and working conditions. From the days of the Atlanta washer- women’s strike at the end of the 19th century through the household employee organizing of the 1960s and 70s, women have joined together to challenge an industry in which, traditionally, they have been poorly compensated and routinely over- worked. But today’s domestic worker movement, while building on the past, is also breaking new ground. It has generated new political protagonists – the immigrant nannies, housecleaners and elder care- givers who now make up a substantial segment of the work force and whose commitment to orga- nizing is the foundation of today’s victories. It has been strategically innovative, winning campaigns for domestic worker bills of rights in four states, with more to come. It has welcomed and built upon the support of allies from organized labor, immigrant and workers’ rights groups, leaders from a range of faith communities, and ethically oriented employers. And it has networked and organized with women from around the world to win the very first international convention for domestic workers’ rights. Today’s domestic workers’ movement is a sustained and growing effort that draws upon and fertilizes the transformative vision and innovative organizing of communities of color, immigrant communities, low-wage workers and women of color. Domestic workers have stepped into their power. Their victories are expanding the realm of the possible, not only for themselves, but also for all who are committed to worker justice and dignity

INVISIBLE NO MORE: Domestic workers organizing in Massachusetts and beyond

Domestic workers across the country are making it clear that, even in a difficult political environment, it is possible to make gains for low-wage workers. For the first time in many, many decades, domestic workers are finding ways to win. They are creat ing policy change that will improve the lives of hundreds of thousands of workers in tangible and substantial ways. The 2014 Massachusetts Domestic Workers’ Bill of Rights is the most expansive codification of rights for this long-overlooked part of the labor force ever to be enacted. In one sense, there is nothing new about domestic workers organizing for better wages and working conditions. From the days of the Atlanta washer- women’s strike at the end of the 19th century through the household employee organizing of the 1960s and 70s, women have joined together to challenge an industry in which, traditionally, they have been poorly compensated and routinely over- worked. But today’s domestic worker movement, while building on the past, is also breaking new ground. It has generated new political protagonists – the immigrant nannies, housecleaners and elder care- givers who now make up a substantial segment of the work force and whose commitment to orga- nizing is the foundation of today’s victories. It has been strategically innovative, winning campaigns for domestic worker bills of rights in four states, with more to come. It has welcomed and built upon the support of allies from organized labor, immigrant and workers’ rights groups, leaders from a range of faith communities, and ethically oriented employers. And it has networked and organized with women from around the world to win the very first international convention for domestic workers’ rights. Today’s domestic workers’ movement is a sustained and growing effort that draws upon and fertilizes the transformative vision and innovative organizing of communities of color, immigrant communities, low-wage workers and women of color. Domestic workers have stepped into their power. Their victories are expanding the realm of the possible, not only for themselves, but also for all who are committed to worker justice and dignity