De donkere kleur van armoede

This essay argues that the racial and ethnic dimensions of exclusion and marginalization must be considered in development thinking. If these dimensions are overlooked, development aid will never really transform the lives of the most marginalized. This claim is illustrated with reference to data on racial inequality in the Brazilian education system. The author argues that the failure to take a stand against racial/ethnic inequality is not surprising, given the fact that in the current development discourse, thinking on development often fails to take context into consideration. The individual is nothing more than a ‘client’, not connected to anything and stripped of ‘race’/ethnicity and class status. Inequality and marginalization are explained on the basis of socioeconomic background. And when the social role of an individual is reflected in policy, it is often only gender that is considered. Racism and ethnocentrism are rarely referred to in explanations of inequality. As such, they still seem to be taboo subjects. The argument defended in this essay is that, for current ‘development thinking’ to address racial/ethnic inequality, Western countries should consider questions such as how to define ‘development’ and ‘quality education’. We will need to reflect on the impact of racism and Eurocentrism and the role of our societies in the colonial history of the world. The author ends with the suggestion that we abandon the dominant focus in ‘development aid’ on how to help ‘others’, start with ourselves, and focus on developing ‘education for the oppressed’

De onechte wereld van het schoolboek

Education is a popular yet highly controversial theme in the development debate. Bolivia’s present move towards ‘decolonising’ education is in line with a wider Latin American trend towards an alternative development model, which rejects a one-size-fits-all international ‘recipe for success’ in educational reform. Education can contribute to social and cultural emancipation only if it is relevant to its setting. The creation of a relevant curriculum that incorporates diversity yet also stimulates a sense of unity requires a complex cooperation process involving representatives from different groups in society, educational experts and policymakers. Under the indigenous President Evo Morales, Bolivia is following its own path. Although the 1994 educational reforms already focused (in policy terms) on intercultural and bilingual education, there is now strong demand for change. The teachers’ unions, indigenous groups and the present government want to create an education system that values and protects indigenous know-ledge, cultures and languages. They argue that the 1994 reforms were imposed by international players, and that education still lacks relevance. Not everyone in Bolivian society agrees, however. Non-indigenous Bolivians fear the emergence of new forms of exclusion through education. Donors must be aware of such mechanisms of exclusion and racism operating through education. Inconsiderate policy plans can have unintentional negative outcomes. Do donors feel it is appropriate to support absolutely any kind of education system? With the new education laws currently in preparation, Bolivia seems to be heading for an anti-neoliberal and anti-Western course, in line with similar initiatives in Venezuela and Cuba. If a sudden cessation of aid and negative outcomes in education are to be avoided, in-depth analysis and constructive dialogue between local, national and international stakeholders will be crucial. A critical analysis of the sociopolitical and educational reality in each context is indispensable for any donor planning to fund education. Local (and foreign) practitioners, academics and policymakers should cooperate in their efforts to guarantee context-sensitive and relevant education for all groups in society. Only then will well-intentioned development aid be able to avoid unintended negative outcomes