Infant temperament contributes to early infant growth: A prospective cohort of African American infants

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>Prospective studies linking infant temperament, or behavioral style, to infant body composition are lacking. In this longitudinal study (3 to 18 months), we seek to examine the associations between two dimensions of infant temperament (<it>distress to limitations </it>and <it>activity level</it>) and two anthropometric indicators (weight-for-length z-scores (WLZ) and skin fold (SF) measures) in a population at high risk of overweight.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>Data are from the Infant Care and Risk of Obesity Project, a longitudinal study of North Carolina low income African American mother-infant dyads (n = 206). Two temperament dimensions were assessed using the Infant Behavior Questionnaire-Revised. A high <it>distress to limitations </it>score denotes an infant whose mother perceives that s/he often cries or fusses, and a high <it>activity level </it>score one who moves his/her limbs and squirms frequently. Cross-sectional analyses were conducted using ordinary least squares regression. Fixed effects longitudinal models were used to estimate anthropometric outcomes as a function of time varying infant temperament.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>In longitudinal models, increased <it>activity levels </it>were associated with later decreased fatness and WLZ. In contrast, high levels of <it>distress to limitations </it>were associated with later increased fatness at all time points and later increased WLZ at 12 months.</p> <p>Conclusion</p> <p>Infant temperament dimensions contribute to our understanding of the role of behavior in the development of the risk of overweight in the formative months of life. Identification of modifiable risk factors early in life may help target strategies for establishing healthy lifestyles prior to the onset of overweight.</p

The healthy weight commitment foundation pledge: Calories sold from U.S. consumer packaged goods, 2007-2012

An independent evaluation of the Healthy Weight Commitment Foundation (HWCF) marketplace pledge found that the participating companies met and exceeded their interim 2012 sales reduction pledge

Foods and Beverages Associated with Higher Intake of Sugar-Sweetened Beverages

Although consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) is associated with higher caloric intakes, the amount SSBs contribute to higher intakes has not been addressed

Turning point for US diets? Recessionary effects or behavioral shifts in foods purchased and consumed

Background: In the past decade, the United States has seen declining energy intakes and plateauing obesity levels

Use of Caloric and Noncaloric Sweeteners in US Consumer Packaged Foods, 2005-2009

Our understanding of the use of caloric (CS) and non-caloric sweeteners (NCS) in the US food supply is limited. This study utilizes full ingredient list and nutrition facts panel (NFP) data from Gladson Nutrition Database, and nationally representative purchases of consumer packaged foods from Nielsen Homescan in 2005 through 2009 to understand the use of CS (including FJC) and NCS in CPG foods

Trends in Food and Beverage Sources among US Children and Adolescents: 1989-2010

Despite the historical rise and recent plateau of child overweight and obesity, levels remain exceedingly high. To understand these trends and identify targets for intervention it is important to examine concomitant trends in children’s diets. The objective of the current analysis was to describe 21-year trends in total energy intake and the major food and beverage sources of energy among 2- to 18- year olds in the United States (US). Six nationally representative surveys were examined in 2012, the Continuing Survey of Food Intakes by Individuals Surveys (1989–1991 and 1994–1996, 1998) and the National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys (2003–2004, 2005–2006, 2007–2008 and 2009–2010). Total energy intake among US children and adolescents rose considerably from 1989 to 2004, and subsequently declined through 2010. Seven sources were consistently major contributors across all time points: sugar-sweetened beverages (SSB), pizza, high fat milk, grain-based desserts, breads, pasta dishes and savory snacks. Intakes of high fat milk, meats and processed meat products, ready-to-eat cereals, burgers, fried potatoes, fruit juice and vegetables decreased from 1989–2010 while intakes of low fat milk, poultry, sweet snacks and candies and tortilla and corn-based dishes increased linearly over the 21-year period. Significant non-linear time trends were observed with recent decreases in intakes of SSBs, pizza, pasta dishes, breads and rolls and savory snacks and recent increases in intake of fruit. Energy intakes of US children began to decline in 2003–2004 and continued to decline through 2009–2010. However among preschool children (2–5 years old) and children from low income families, total energy intakes in 2009–2010 still remained significantly higher than in 1989–1991

Where Are Kids Getting Their Empty Calories? Stores, Schools, and Fast-Food Restaurants Each Played an Important Role in Empty Calorie Intake among US Children During 2009-2010

Consumption of empty calories, the sum of energy from added sugar and solid fat, exceeds recommendations, but little is known about where US children obtain these empty calories. The objectives of this study were to compare children's empty calorie consumption from retail food stores, schools, and fast food restaurants; to identify food groups that were top contributors of empty calories from each location; and to determine the location providing the majority of calories for these key food groups. This cross-sectional analysis used data from 3,077 US children aged 2-18 years participating in the 2009-2010 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. The empty calorie content of children's intake from stores (33%), schools (32%), and fast food restaurants (35%) was not significantly different in 2009-2010. In absolute terms, stores provided the majority of empty calorie intake (436 kcal). The top contributors of added sugar and solid fat from each location were similar: sugar sweetened beverages (SSBs), grain desserts, and high-fat milk from stores; high-fat milk, grain desserts, and pizza from schools; and SSBs, dairy desserts, french fries, and pizza from fast food restaurants. Schools contributed about 20% of children's intake of high-fat milk and pizza. In conclusion, these findings support the need for continued efforts to reduce empty calorie intake among US children aimed not just at fast food restaurants, but also at stores and schools. The importance of reformed school nutrition standards was suggested, as prior to their implementation, schools resembled fast food restaurants in their contributions to empty calorie intake

Solid Fat and Added Sugar Intake Among U.S. Children: The Role of Stores, Schools, and Fast Food from 1994 to 2010

Little is known about the role of location in U.S. children’s excess intake of energy from solid fat and added sugar, collectively referred to as SoFAS

Trends in Dietary Intake among US 2- to 6-Year-Old Children, 1989-2008

Between 1989 and 2008, obesity increased markedly in children of all ages. We examine changes in the diets of children ages 2-6 in the US between 1989 and 2008. Our study provides new insight into diet changes that may have contributed to the sharp rise in obesity during this period

Food Companies' Calorie-Reduction Pledges to Improve U.S. Diet

Heretofore, corporate voluntary pledges to improve the health of Americans have been linked neither to explicit measurable commitments nor to a framework for an independent evaluation. The Healthy Weight Commitment Foundation (HWCF), whose members include 16 of the nation’s leading consumer packaged goods food and beverage manufacturers, voluntarily pledged to collectively remove 1 trillion calories from their products by 2012 (against a 2007 baseline), and 1.5 trillion calories by 2015. The pledge is designed to reduce the calorie gap commensurate with the HWCF companies’ role in the U.S. diet. To date, no system exists for documenting the nutritional and public health impacts of industry-led changes in the food supply on individual diets