Overcoming borders between East, West and central Europe through education: a case study of Poland

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Mass higher education in Poland: coping with the 'Spanish Collar'

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Challenges to state and society relations: Polish higher education in transition

Creating a legitimate, democratic government in Poland has been the main task of the process of democratic consolidation. This article argues that one very effective way of doing this has been through the reform and democratisation of the Polish system of higher education. Promoting access to higher education for all sectors of youth society contributes to the strengthening of democracy and the economic intellectual capacity of the state. The relationship between higher education and democracy is examined, and the major features of the 1990 Act on Schools of Higher Education are outlined and explained. It is argued that educational background is an important determinate as to whether or not, young people will find employment. Also, despite the positive changes, which have occurred in Polish higher education since 1990, including the doubling of the number of students, a worrying trend remains: the existence of an urban-rural divide in educational qualifications. Those people employed in agriculture remain the least educated. This article argues that the ongoing transformation of the system of higher education in Poland has made tertiary education more accessible to many sectors of youth society, but this process needs to be accelerated given the existing urban-rural divide. Furthermore, there is a danger that the introduction of tuition fees in state universities will make a higher education less accessible for the less affluent elements of youth society

When does turnout matter? the case of Poland

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Local identity, democratic values or partisanship? why some Polish citizens are more contented than others with the unpopular local governance reforms

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Why is corruption in Poland "a serious cause for concern"?

Public perceptions of corruption are significant for their political consequences. But they are conceptually and empirically distinct from corruption. First, because perceptions of corruption run far ahead of experience. Second, because different factors influence the one more than the other – indeed poverty and low education increase perceptions of corruption while decreasing participation in it. Third, because the political consequences of corruption and corruption-perceptions differ not only in degree but in their targets – perceptions and experiences of corruption erode trust in different politicians and institutions.External moralising from institutions such as the EU may reduce corruption in Accession States while simultaneously increasing perceptions of it. And within these states, that moralising `culture which can resist corruption' which the EU demands, itself tends, perversely, to increase (not decrease) perceptions, suspicions, and allegations of corruption

The misuse of referendums in post-communist Europe

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Podwójna tozsamosc Polaków [Dual Identities in Poland]

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Poland and the political challenges of "Europe"

No abstract available