The British Homogeneity Thesis And Nationalism In Scotland And Wales

In the mid-1960s, British political scientists claimed that their society was free of significant regional division. Their analysis was based on the theory of political and social diffusion originally put forward by Marx. However, electoral success for nationalist parties in Scotland and Wales in the late 1960s cast doubt on this theory. In response, two theories were put forward ascribing this nationalist phenomenon to economic causes. Michael Hechter argued that nationalism in Scotland and Wales was due to resentment caused by the existence of economic disparities between both countries and England. Tom Nairn, however, claimed that Scottish nationalism was a consequence of economic \u27over-development\u27, a situation created by the discovery of North Sea oil. In an attempt to explain nationalism in Scotland and Wales comprehensively, this thesis examines all three theories.;While, in keeping with diffusion theory, Scottish and Welsh regionalism did decline as a consequence of industrialization, this process was incomplete. In Wales, a strong Welsh national identity remained in rural Welsh-speaking areas. In Scotland, while British national sentiment became dominant, it did not completely erase an underlying Scottish identity. Together, these identities provided a basis for nationalist parties.;Contrary to Hechter\u27s theory, this thesis shows that economic disparities did not contribute to demands for separatism. Rather, the weaknesses of the Scottish and Welsh economies bound both countries closer to England. While Nairn\u27s explanation of the rise of Scottish nationalism is helpful, it fails to explain why the Scottish Nationalist Party was already powerful before oil was discovered.;Rejecting the \u27economic determinism\u27 of Hechter and Nairn, this thesis explains fluctuating support for nationalist parties in terms of how both they and the unionist parties reacted to political opportunities and socio-economic changes in the 1960s and 1970s. Nationalist party successes were due, partly at least, to their own efforts. The decline of Scottish nationalism in the 1970s resulted from the development of the Labour party as an effective \u27broker\u27 of different interests within Britain. This important role for political parties has been overlooked by sociological theories such as those of Nairn and Hechter

Matters of consent: the Withdrawal Agreement does not violate the Good Friday Agreement

John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary write that, contrary to the DUP’s claims, the draft Withdrawal Agreement does not violate the provisions of the Good Friday Agreement when it comes to consent. Instead, the proposals regarding Northern Ireland are reasonable and balanced

Power-Sharing in a Re-United Cyprus: Centripetal Coalitions vs. Proportional Sequential Coalitions

Power-sharing coalitions in severely divided places can take centripetal or consociational forms. Respectively, these aim to foster moderation by restricting coalitions to moderate parties from different ethnic communities or inclusivity by ensuring that coalitions are broadly and proportionately representative of the main political forces. This article draws on the experience of Cyprus to show the limits of negotiating centripetal coalitions even under “most likely to succeed” conditions. It investigates a major centripetalist initiative on the island between 2008 and 2010, and explains why this failed to catalyze a negotiated settlement. Likewise, the article points to the limits of classic consociational approaches in mediating power-sharing arrangements, particularly approaches that rely on corporate ethnic quotas. Contrary to conventional wisdom and much international practice, the article shows that consociational coalitions can take a liberal form that bypass such quotas. Specifically, the article presents and defends an important innovation in consociational theory and practice: the proportional sequential (PS) coalition. PS coalitions are automatically determined by election results, and allocate portfolios on a proportionate and liberal basis amongst a divided polity’s main political parties. We argue that PS coalitions can provide a broadly inclusive and negotiable settlement in the context of a re-united Cyprus as well as in other divided polities

Evolution of Ada technology in the flight dynamics area: Implementation/testing phase analysis

An analysis is presented of the software engineering issues related to the use of Ada for the implementation and system testing phases of four Ada projects developed in the flight dynamics area. These projects reflect an evolving understanding of more effective use of Ada features. In addition, the testing methodology used on these projects has changed substantially from that used on previous FORTRAN projects

An Analysis of the Interpretability of Neural Networks trained on Magnetic Resonance Imaging for Stroke Outcome Prediction

Applying deep learning models to MRI scans of acute stroke patients to extract features that are indicative of short-term outcome could assist a clinician’s treatment decisions. Deep learning models are usually accurate but are not easily interpretable. Here, we trained a convolutional neural network on ADC maps from hyperacute ischaemic stroke patients for prediction of short-term functional outcome and used an interpretability technique to highlight regions in the ADC maps that were most important in the prediction of a bad outcome. Although highly accurate, the model’s predictions were not based on aspects of the ADC maps related to stroke pathophysiology

CARLTONA – A MATTER OF INTENTION

In this article, I use the Supreme Court’s decision in R v Adams to argue that identifying the intention of Parliament is the key to determining whether the Carltona principle applies to a particular exercise of Ministerial power. I examine the various factors considered by the Court when ascertaining Parliament’s intention. I also note the Court’s reference to the rule in Pepper v Hart

Symbiosis in an overlooked microcosm: a systematic review of the bacterial flora of mites

A dataset of bacterial diversity found in mites was compiled from 193 publications (from 1964 to January 2015). A total of 143 mite species belonging to the 3 orders (Mesostigmata, Sarcoptiformes and Trombidiformes) were recorded and found to be associated with approximately 150 bacteria species (in 85 genera, 51 families, 25 orders and 7 phyla). From the literature, the intracellular symbiont Cardinium, the scrub typhus agent Orientia, and Wolbachia (the most prevalent symbiont of arthropods) were the dominant mite-associated bacteria, with approximately 30 mite species infected each. Moreover, a number of bacteria of medical and veterinary importance were also reported from mites, including species from the genera Rickettsia, Anaplasma, Bartonella, Francisella, Coxiella, Borrelia, Salmonella, Erysipelothrix and Serratia. Significant differences in bacterial infection patterns among mite taxa were identified. These data will not only be useful for raising awareness of the potential for mites to transmit disease, but also enable a deeper understanding of the relationship of symbionts with their arthropod hosts, and may facilitate the development of intervention tools for disease vector control. This review provides a comprehensive overview of mite-associated bacteria and is a valuable reference database for future research on mites of agricultural, veterinary and/or medical importance. (Résumé d'auteur

The UN in 21st Century Cyprus: Meditration, Mediation-Lite and Beyond

For decades, the UN has failed to mediate a settlement in Cyprus because of a general and profound weakness: it is unable, outside of unity and resolve on the Security Council, to offer direct incentives to parties in conflict that would shape their calculus towards conflict resolution, or to control the actions of third parties in ways that would incentivize conflict resolution or prevent disincentives. Within this vacuum, the UN has alternated its mediation strategy during the past two decades in Cyprus between two different forms, meditration (Annan Plan, 2002-04) and mediation-lite (2008-2015), before reverting to a more conventional mediating role in the lead-up to the Crans-Montana conference in 2017. Meditration and Mediation-lite both failed, with the fortunes of the peace process during each of these periods being shaped importantly by domestic politics within the contesting camps and the balance of power between them. The article elaborates on the conceptual distinction between meditration and mediation-lite. It makes the case for a conventional mediation between these two extremes, but argues that even this has limitations that stem from the UN’s general weaknesses