Interventions Pertinent to Children of Incarcerated Parents

One in 12 children will have a parent incarcerated at some point in their lifetime, with a staggering rate of one in four for African American children (Wildeman et al., 2018). Though the incarcerated populations have been in decline across the United States in the past decade (Carson, 2020), its impact still dwarfs that of most other countries (Coyle et al., 2016). The long-term residual consequences of the country’s imprisonment binge are likely to burden later generations through a myriad of social and economic disadvantages that extend through the children of today’s prisoners. Consequences may manifest in terms of social exclusion, poor parental attachment, developmental problems, behavioral and mental health issues, adverse school performance, antisocial attitudes, and even criminal activity (Thulstrup & Karlsson, 2017; Venema et al., 2021; Wildeman et al., 2018). Further, these consequences will disproportionately impact children of historically disadvantaged populations. It was estimated about five million children experienced a form of parental incarceration in 2012, roughly seven percent of the youth population (Thulstrup & Karlsson, 2017). Though specific population counts for North Dakota are unknown, the Annie E Casey Foundation estimated about 10,000 children (7%) have experienced parental incarceration (Campbell, 2016). Attempts are underway by the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (DOCR) to examine this issue through its Children of Incarcerated Parents (COIP) initiative. As Wildeman and colleagues (2018) note, despite a large increase in empirical interest on the topic of parental incarceration, the state of the literature in terms of what works is decidedly sparse. In this research brief we focus on those interventions, pertinent to COIP, that have received considerable empirical attention as demonstrated by the existence of a systematic review. Systematic reviews are a means by which authors synthesize large volumes of research. While conceptually similar to a literature review, systematic reviews reduce the likelihood of selection bias by clearly documenting and mapping the selection criteria and reasons for inclusion or exclusion of a given work. This also allows for such reviews to be replicated and expanded on by subsequent scholars (for a more detailed explanation see Cooper, 2010; Weisburd et al., 2016, pp. 6-8). In addition, they may also combine statistical information from multiple studies through a process known as meta-analysis (for more see Borenstein et al., 2009). This work is a review of systematic reviews pertaining to COIP interventions

Measuring Success: An Evaluability Assessment for the Grand Forks Domestic Violence Court

First implemented in the 1990s, specialized domestic violence courts represent one of several solutions developed to improve the response to domestic violence and enhance services for victims (Collins et al., 2021). Other solutions have included mandatory arrest and prosecutorial no-drop policies as well as increased funding support for victim services. There are reportedly over 300 DVCs in the United States as well as 50 in Canada and 100 in the United Kingdom (Eley, 2005; Gutierrez et al., 2016; Hemmens et al., 2020; Home Office, 2008; Tutty & Koshan, 2013). Based on input from a variety of key stakeholders including judges, state’s attorneys, public defense, court administration, and Community Violence Intervention Center (CVIC) staff in 2016, a specialized Domestic Violence Court (DVC) was formally established in Grand Forks (GF) in 2018. It is currently the only DVC court in the state. The GFDVC is a post-conviction specialty court whereby convicted individuals are required to participate in an orientation, intervention programming (such as New Choices facilitated by CVIC), and regular review hearings with Judge Jason McCarthy or Judge Jay Knudson. The goals of the program include increased communication and safety for victims as well as increased compliance and recidivism reduction for the perpetrators. This evaluability assessment briefly summarizes relevant outcome literature pertinent to DVCs, reports the current availability of data maintained by CVIC, and provides short-term and long-term recommendations

Anticipating Problem Drinking Risk from Preschoolers' Antisocial Behavior: Evidence for a Common Delinquency-Related Diathesis Model

Objective: Early first drinking (EFD) experiences predict later alcohol problems. However, the longitudinal pathway from early childhood leading to EFD has not been well delineated. Based on documented links between drinking behaviors and chronic antisocial behaviors, this article tests a common diathesis model in which precursive patterns of aggression and delinquent behaviorVfrom preschool onwardVanticipate EFD. Method: Participants were 220 male children and their parents in a high risk for substance use disorder prospective study. Early first drinking was defined as having had a first drink by 12 to 14 years of age. Stacked structural equation models and configural frequency analyses were used to compare those with and without EFD on aggression and delinquent behavior from ages 3 to 5 years through 12 to 14 years. Results: Delinquent behavior and aggression decreased normatively throughout childhood for those with and without EFD, although those with EFD showed precocious resurgences moving into early adolescence. Early first drinking was associated with delinquent behavior more than aggression. Early drinkers were more delinquent at most agesVwith a direct effect of preschool predisposition on adolescent behavior only within the EFD group. Early first drinking was disproportionately likely among individuals with high levels of delinquent behavior at both 3 to 5 and 12 to 14 years of age but uncommon among individuals with low levels of delinquent behavior during those two age periods. Conclusions: Early first drinking and delinquent behavior share a common diathesis evident before school entry. Intervention and prevention programs targeting problem drinking risk should focus on dismantling this emergent primarily delinquency-related developmental trajectory. J. Am. Acad. Child Adolesc. Psychiatry, 2009;48(8):820Y827. Key Words: substance use, drinking onset, antisocial behavior, child development, continuity.NIAAA-R37 AA07065, Blue Cross Blue Shield of Michigan Foundation.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/64506/1/#169 Mayzer jaacap preschool ASB and Prob drink.pd

Improving Coordination for Children of Incarcerated Parents

The Annie E. Casey Foundation estimates about 10,000 children in North Dakota have experienced some form of parental incarceration. Compared to non-Hispanic Caucasians, Native American children are 2 to 5 times more likely to have an incarcerated parent. Based on national data, over 50% of all imprisoned individuals in state and federal prisons have minor children, with 64% of mothers and 47% of fathers living with their child prior to arrest or incarceration

Drilling Down: An Examination of the Boom-Crime Relationship in Resource Based Boom Counties

Objective to examine the boomcrime relationship in resourcebased boom counties and to propose socioeconomic and legal measures to reduce the boomtown effect. Methods dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena allowing to analyze them in historical development and functioning in the context of the totality of objective and subjective factors that determined the choice of the following research methods formallogical comparativelegal survey interview focus groups generalized least squares method. Results The expansion in natural resource development in rural communities has led to a number of social problems in these places. The media community stakeholders as well as law enforcement and human service personnel have reported that the rapid growth in these communities leads to increased crime and other social ills. In order to better understand the boomcrime relationship index crimes in oil and natural gas producing counties in Montana and North Dakota were examined. Comparison of 2012 crime rates in a matched sample of counties revealed that crime rates were higher in oilimpacted counties. A prepost analysis found that violent crime in boom counties increased 18.5 between 2006 and 2012 while decreasing 25.6 in a matched sample of counties that had no oil or gas production. Inconsistent with the media portrayal of these communities as a new quotwild westquot we did not find a significant association between oil or natural gas production and property or violent crime in a series of OLS regression models. Scientific novelty for the first time the article uses index crimes in oil and natural gas producing counties in Montana and North Dakota to reveal the association between the rapid growth of towns and the crime rates. Practical significance the main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in research and educational activity as well as for predicting the socialeconomic development of boomtowns