The crash of flight MH17 could be the final straw in German-Russian relations over Ukraine

Germany has generally been assumed to have a more conciliatory foreign policy approach toward Russia over the Ukraine crisis than other European states such as Poland and the UK. Jocelyn Mawdsley writes on whether the crash of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 (MH17) could harden the German stance. She notes that comments by Angela Merkel and German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier since the crash suggest Germany may be ready to re-evaluate its approach

Entente Cordiale: eine erste Bilanz französisch-britischer Zusammenarbeit in der Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik

Im November 2010 haben Frankreich und Großbritannien eine enge Kooperation in der Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik beschlossen, die insbesondere Maßnahmen in den Bereichen Streitkräftekooperation, Rüstungsentwicklung und -produktion sowie Sicherheit der Nuklearwaffen umfasst. Lange Zeit wurden diese Vereinbarungen, nicht zuletzt in Deutschland, als "bloßes Sparprogramm" angesehen. Eine erste Bilanz macht jedoch deutlich, dass beide Partner große Fortschritte bei der Umsetzung ihrer Kooperationsagenda erzielt und ihre Beziehungen weiter intensiviert haben. Zentrale Ziele der britisch-französischen Zusammenarbeit sind der Erhalt einer international konkurrenzfähigen Rüstungsindustrie sowie die Aufrechterhaltung der militärischen Interventionsfähigkeit. Deutschland hat sich bislang nicht an dieser Kooperation beteiligt. Um eine sicherheits- und verteidigungspolitische Spaltung Europas zu verhindern, muss Deutschland gemeinsam mit Frankreich auf eine Vereinheitlichung von französisch-britischen und deutsch-französischen Rüstungskooperationsvorhaben hinwirken.In November 2010 France and Great Britain decided to cooperate closely in the realm of security and defense. They decided upon numerous measures, particularly in the areas of operations, arms development and production as well as nuclear safety. Over a long period of time, the agreements were considered as nothing more than a savings program, not least by Germany. However, an initial assessment shows that both partners have made great progress in the implementation of the cooperation agenda and further strengthened their partnership. It is becoming increasingly obvious that maintaining an internationally competitive defense industry and sustaining the ability to intervene are common objectives of Franco-British cooperation. Germany has not participated in this cooperation so far. If Germany wants to prevent Europe of splitting up in the realm of security and defense, it should, together with France, work towards a standardization of Franco-British and Franco-German initiatives of arms cooperation

Hollande’s pledge to withdraw French troops from Afghanistan is not as significant as it may seem

Last month new French President François Hollande announced that French troops in Afghanistan would be withdrawn by the end of 2012, instead of 2013 as was previously planned. Jocelyn Mawdsley argues that logistics and other commitments mean that France will likely continue to have a presence in Afghanistan, and that despite the decision, any major change in France’s relationship with NATO seems unlikely

Strategy in European security and defence policy-does it matter?

This chapter explores a number of topical strategic challenges to the evolution of a coherent European Security Strategy (ESS), which have been agreed as strategic priorities by the EU. It discusses EU's comprehensive approach which is based on both civilian and military aspects of Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and reflects key threat perceptions as identified in the ESS as well as the Report on the Implementation of the ESS. The ESS gave a basic guideline as to how the EU views security rather than some form of grand strategy as its title might suggest. The EU is facing a number of contemporary security challenges such as the slow and uncertain recovery from the financial crisis, the refugee crisis, tensions with Russia over the conflicts in Ukraine and Syria. The EU has clear security interests in both the Balkans and the Eastern neighbourhood and the stabilisation of both regions is a challenge that the EU needs to meet

Comparing British and German offset strategies

In many ways Britain and Germany share similar profiles as arms producers. But their policy on both import and export offsets are quite different. This chapter argues that only by considering the historical and cultural backgrounds to their procurement and arms export policies can their offset policy choices be fully understood. While Britain reluctantly accepts the existence of offsets to counteract imperfect markets (but tries to seek waiver agreements, especially in Europe), Germany has been able to use offsets creatively not only to develop its own industry but also to become a significant exporter. The chapter suggests that British attachment to competitive procurement and its strong export promotion network explain its relative dislike of offsets, while the historical background of the German defense industry has given it certain qualities that enable it to cope far more successfully with offsets. © 2004 Editorial matter, selection, and introduction Jurgen Brauer & J.Paul Dunne; individual chapters, the contributors. All rights reserved.SCOPUS: ch.binfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishe

The EU, strategy and security policy: Regional and strategic challenges

This edited collection is a timely and in-depth analysis of the EU's efforts to bring coherency and strategy to its security policy actions. Despite a special European Council summit in December 2013 on defence, it is generally acknowledged that fifteen years since its inception the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has yet to acquire a clear sense of purpose. This book investigates those areas where the EU has established actorness in the security and defence field and asks whether they might constitute the elements of an emergent more coherent EU strategy on security. Taking a critical view, the contributors map the EU's strategic vision(s) across particular key regions where the EU has been active as a security actor, the strategic challenges that it has pinpointed alongside the opportunities and barriers posed by a multiplicity of actors, interests and priorities identified by both member states and EU actors. By doing this we demonstrate where gaps in strategic thinking lie, where the EU has been unable to achieve its aims, and offer recommendations concerning the EU's future strategic direction. This book will be of much interest to students of European security, EU policy, strategic studies and IR in general