The limits of anticolonialism: the British Labour movement and the end of the empire in Guiana

The Labour Party’s ambivalent attitude to anticolonial nationalism is well known but its place in the conflicts between the party’s revisionists and the left has been less fully elaborated, while the influence of British trade unions in the formation of party policy on decolonisation has been cast to the margins of the historiography. Events in British Guiana are representative of this trend because, while the activities of the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations have been detailed by a number of historians, including Stephen Rabe, Robert Waters, Gary Daniels and Lily Ramcharan, the impact of the British TUC has been largely ignored. A study of the international labour politics of the 1950s and 1960s suggests both that the fate of the Guianese left was inextricably tied to conflicts in the British Labour party and that trade union leaders in the metropolis offered powerful support to revisionists in making the case for prioritising Atlanticism over colonial liberation. The Labour Party’s support for the suspension of the Guianese constitution by the Churchill government in 1953 and their willingness to implement Conservative plans for constitutional reform in 1964 demonstrate that the party’s liberationist faction were unable to overturn the Cold War agenda espoused by the right wing of the parliamentary party and anti-communists in the trade union movement

Containing the German threat: The British debate over West German rearmament 1949-1955.

The thesis provides a new interpretation of Britain's policy towards German rearmament through an analysis of the views of government ministers, Foreign Office officials and military planners. It analyses the role of five key influences. British antipathy to the Germans was of seminal importance. Suspicion of the Germans among Labour ministers produced a backlash against a policy of German rearmament from September 1950. The Foreign Office feared a new German-Soviet, Rapallo-style pact and sought to prevent this by integrating the Federal Republic into the West. Once political and military integration were conjoined in the EDC-contract negotiations they became supportive of the EDC as a means of containing the German threat. The American role was crucial in persuading the British to accept German rearmament within the EDC. However, Washington consistently came into conflict with London over Germany's financial contribution to defence, the extent of German rearmament and British attempts to moderate German policy in order to conciliate the Soviets. The Anglo-Soviet relationship constitutes a third crucial factor. Initially, fear of Soviet reactions inhibited the British from supporting extensive German rearmament. The apparently less provocative nature of EDC was one reason for British acceptance of it. In 1951, 1953 and 1955 elements within the British government sought to promote detente through concessions to the Soviets on German rearmament. Though the British military put the German rearmament issue on to the government's agenda in spring 1950, subsequently the strategic rationale became less important than the diplomatic. From 1952 a German defence contribution was seen as a means of compensating for NATO deficiencies rather than as part of a wider force expansion. German rearmament involved substantial financial costs for Britain but a series of favourable financial agreements with the Federal Republic enabled policy-makers to discount this factor

Workers in the vanguard: the 1960 Industrial Relations Ordinance and the struggle for independence in Aden

The promulgation in 1960 of a new Industrial Relations Ordinance in Aden was a singular event in the history of British decolonisation because it made many forms of strike action illegal. Earlier initiatives to liberalise trade union law in the colonies were intended to channel and manage the discontent of workers; but for nationalist movements, the new order in industrial relations provided an opportunity to mobilise workers in the cause of independence. Aden, which was the location of a significant British base, a major oil refinery and a key commercial port, became the site of a bitter confrontation between the nascent trade union movement and the colonial administration. Three aspects of the conflict were of particular significance. First, Aden’s unique political status as a British colony in the Arab world and it strategic and economic value, contributed to the fractious industrial relations environment. Secondly, conflicts between workers and the colonial government demonstrate continuity with wider British efforts to suppress anti-colonial dissent and demonstrate that charges of appeasement in the last years of empire are not well founded. Lastly, the exceptional nature of the new legislation attracted the critical attention of the ILO and the major international trade union confederations, which internationalised the dispute over the IRO. An examination of the manner in which the British government sought to regulate its relations with various labour organisations, including the British TUC, the colonial ATUC and the two rival international labour confederations of the WFTU and ICFTU, demonstrates that the conduct of industrial relations in Aden was significant in the context of both the Cold War and decolonisation

Unfinished Decolonisation and Globalisation

This article locates John Darwin’s work on decolonisation within an Oxbridge tradition which portrays a British world system, of which formal empire was but one part, emerging to increasing global dominance from the early nineteenth century. In this mental universe, decolonisation was the mirror image of that expanding global power. According to this point of view, it was not the sloughing off of individual territories, but rather the shrinking away of the system and of the international norms that supported it, until only its ghost remained by the end of the 1960s. The article then asks, echoing the title of Darwin’s Unfinished Empire, whether the decolonisation project is all but complete, or still ongoing. In addition, what is the responsibility of the imperial historian to engage with, inform, or indeed refrain from, contemporary debates that relate to some of these issues? The answer is twofold. On the one hand, the toolkit that the Oxbridge tradition and Darwin provide remains relevant, and also useful in thinking about contemporary issues such as China’s move towards being a global power, the United States’ declining hegemony, and some states and groups desires to rearticulate their relationship with the global. On the other hand, the decline of world systems of power needs to be recognised as just one of several types of, and approaches to, analysing ‘decolonisation’. One which cannot be allowed to ignore or marginalise the study of others, such as experience, first nations issues, the shaping of the postcolonial state, and empire legacies. The article concludes by placing the Oxbridge tradition into a broader typology of types and methodologies of decolonisation, and by asking what a new historiography of decolonisation might look like. It suggests that it would address the Oxbridge concern with the lifecycles of systems of power and their relationship to global changes, but also place them alongside, and in dialogue with, a much broader set of perspectives and analytical approaches

The End of Empire in Uganda: Decolonization and Institutional Conflict

The negative legacy of the British empire is often thought of in terms of war and economic exploitation, while the positive contribution is associated with the establishment of good governance and effective, modern institutions. In this new analysis of the end of empire in Uganda, Spencer Mawby challenges these preconceptions by explaining the many difficulties which arose when the British attempted to impose western institutional models on Ugandan society.Ranging from international institutions, including the Commonwealth, to state organisations, like the parliament and army, and to civic institutions such as trade unions, the press and the Anglican church, Mawby uncovers a wealth of new material about the way in which the British sought to consolidate their influence in the years prior to independence. The book also investigates how Ugandans responded to institutional reform and innovation both before and after independence, and in doing so sheds new light on the emergence of the notorious military dictatorship of Idi Amin. By unpicking historical orthodoxies about 20th-century imperial history, this institutional history of the end of empire and the early years of independence offers an opportunity to think afresh about the nature of the colonial impact on Africa and the development of authoritarian rule on the continent