Populism and Democracy: An Ambiguous Relationship

The question of the link between populism and democracy is a crucial one and for this purpose this paper will attempt to illustrate the relationship between the two phenomena. Firstly, populism and democracy will be approached from the point of political theory. Secondly, there will be an attempt to present the ambiguity of populism through a conceptual analysis. In the scientific research on the phenomenon of populism, there is still a lack of consensus on the way that populism should ultimately be evaluated from a democratic point of view. However, on the contrary to the negative notion of populism, democracy is associated with clearly positive attitudes. In this sense, the problem of populism is linked to political science with more disreputable manifestations of the political phenomenon. But the dividing line between populism and legitimate democratic confrontation is simply too vague. Populism affects democracy and vice versa. It is not easy to design an absolute dividing line between the two phenomena. However, the reference to the people plays an important role in the controversial form of expression of populism. From this point of view, in this paper there will be an attempt to analyze the fundamental distinctions between democracy and populism, by studying the characteristics of populism that have an actual positive impact on democracy as well as the opportunities and useful corrective elements it offers to it. On the contrary, criticism will be attempted to the arguments that consider populism as a corrective element in the quality of democracy, considering that it facilitates the inclusion of marginalized social groups, as well as side-by-side arguments that consider populism as a tool which can be considered as a positive aspect for democracy

Modern Democracy-Welfare State and Public Goods: A current consequence for Greece

People expect the state to create jobs and provide them with a social security net. Whatever its defects, whatever the virtues of the private sector, no structure other than the state can today provide citizens with the basic public goods. Under the present right-wing government of Nea Dimokratia in Greece, which is not particularly at odds with neoliberalism, a very active role of the state is not expected. Also is nor expected the introduction of a serious program of public investment and demandboosting to stimulate the national economy and enter into a virtuous circle of recovery. Greece, which has undergone the economic crisis with drastic cuts in its traditionally deficient social state, has to respond directly to the marked underinvestment in public goods (in key areas such as education, health, natural disasters, dealing with decent living conditions).The most important tool for inputting resources is the tax system

The end of hypocrisy and the questioning of democracy

The financial crisis of 2007 has clearly demonstrated the declining economic and political hegemony of the European social model. Austerity measures, rationalization, and cuts in all areas of society and the state were encouraged by the EU directorates. These measures have weakened social cohesion in many EU societies and jeopardized the significant progress made in terms of discrimination over the last decade. The rise in unemployment and social problems has fueled nationalism and stigmatization of certain groups. Sometimes, even democracy itself, as the main structural feature of the Western world, is permeated by various dangers under the tragic pressures and effects of the crisis. In this sense, all the pretexts that the European elite has at times put forward around the issue of institutionalized protection of the democratic order are beginning to crumble. The vital question therefore arises: with citizenship crippled, what kind of democracy can we talk about? So, if we are interested in facing reality soberly and without distraction, should we prepare ourselves for the possibility of a definitive attack on democracy

A strategic defeat of populism in Greece

The recent elections in Greece reflects an enormous change in the political behavior of the electorate. The citizens have not chosen a simple switch on the power, but contributed with their votes to a strategic defeat of populism and in same time they paved the way for the search of a new type of leadership, which is close to realism in handling with social problems that can't be implemented with calculated financial costs. The vote of 7 th Juli is a vote against the over-promising and underdelivery experienced under Syriza's rule. The voting for conservative ND is not an ideological choice. It's a choice that runs counter to the logic of falsely or hypocritical negotiating austerity measures opposed to Greece buy his Lenders (memorandum) and the consequent tax-tornado as a result of negotiating failure with the partners in the EEC and the IMF. The positive vote for ND also reflects the contradiction with the misguided manipulations of public opinion regarding the Skopje-Question and finally the strategy of micro concessions and micro-allowances as a means of concluding a "political-social alliance" with an undefined hostile establishment

Modern Democracy-Welfare State and Public Goods: A current consequence for Greece

People expect the state to create jobs and provide them with a social security net. Whatever its defects, whatever the virtues of the private sector, no structure other than the state can today provide citizens with the basic public goods. Under the present right-wing government of Nea Dimokratia in Greece, which is not particularly at odds with neoliberalism, a very active role of the state is not expected. Also is nor expected the introduction of a serious program of public investment and demandboosting to stimulate the national economy and enter into a virtuous circle of recovery. Greece, which has undergone the economic crisis with drastic cuts in its traditionally deficient social state, has to respond directly to the marked underinvestment in public goods (in key areas such as education, health, natural disasters, dealing with decent living conditions).The most important tool for inputting resources is the tax system

The transformations of social democracy

The political, organizational, and ideological deadlock that European social democracy has gone through in recent decades is obvious and much discussed. This impasse is indirectly expressed by the weakness of social democratic parties in maintaining their electoral clientele and social base of workers, employees, and pensioners. This means that the crisis of social democracy is becoming more permanent. This article attempts to analyze these characteristics

Far-right populism and the role of democracy in Europe

The occurrence of the financial crisis has affected politics in Europe and led to remarkable political shifts. The electoral rise of far-right populism has been one significant outcome of the crisis and the way it has been addressed by the European government and the EU institutions. The far-right parties has gained significant electoral power in several European countries and actually got out of the margins on national political systems, becoming a crucial political player. Such examples are the neonazist party of "Golden Dawn" in Greece as well as the Lega Nord in Italy and AfD in Germany. Particularly, the intensification of the international economic crisis has led to the transformation of the ideological and political differentiations in the sense that it has brought to light an impressive rise of populist parties in Europe. In any case, populist reliance and its multipliers have grown dramatically amidst the pressure of mass unemployment, new poverty, immigration flows, anger about politics and fear of the future. The aim of this paper is to analyze and categorize the roots of the far-right populist rise in Europe and the role of democracy as a mechanism of stabilization and prevention

Das ökonomische und politische Dilemma Europas

Abstract Englisch Apparently the European economic model being subjected to a double competition problem. On the one hand, there are enormous differences in the level of competitiveness of the various member countries of the euro area and the EU among themselves. In the long term this Problem stylized to a dramatic debt crisis for one Part of the EU member States like Greece, Portugal, Ireland , Spain and Italy The advanced state debt are nothing more than a symptom of a lack of competitiveness. On the other hand, the European economic model seems to be not able not in the long term to follow the aggressive development orientation of the Far East. The dominant Forces into the EU tries to handle with this external competition problem mainly with wage policy measures such as wage cuts, a reduction in government expenditure or even with real depreciation. However, the limitation of political measures on the consolidation of public finances , is an attempt to deal only with the symptoms of the problem. The Result is, that a political problem of legitimacy is called into the world that has mainly two aspects. On the one hand, a problem of sovereignty in the sense that the transmitted decision-making powers of the states at the EU instances, is not transferred to the benefit of democratically elected bodies like the European Parliament, but to artificially created bodies of financial supervision like the Troika that directly or indirectly is under the influence of the most powerful member states. In this Way we have on the other side the production of a huge democratic deficit. This finds his expression in the demand on democratically elected governments to prevail unpopular austerity measures, even if they have to bypass their parliaments, institutions and constitutions

Zum politischen Machtwechsel in Griechenland. Die Parlamentswahlen von Januar 2015 aus einem kritischen Blickwinkel

The Greek parliamentary elections in January .2015 led to a foreseeable change in government. The coalition government between the conservative Nea Dimokratia and of the socialist PASOK, become replaced. by a coalition government between the left wing coalition party SYRIZA and the extreme right-wing ANEL ( "Independent Greeks"}, The cause for this radical political shift is located in the latent anger of the citizens in relation to the political elites of Greece and their politics in the last years. Logically this broad anger found now his expression in the ballot box. This described anger is related with the hard consolidation program taken by the creditors of Greece (EU, ECB, IMF) to restrain the country's fiscal crisis. The Intention of the restructuring program is to lead as soon as possible Greece out from the debt. In fact however the Result of this Politics is that around a quarter of the Greek population is drifted in poverty now. The rehabilitation target within a fairly short period, to promote competitiveness and make Greece more attractive as an investment location was coupled with massive wage cuts, pensions cuts , tax increases and more flexible working conditions. The new coalition government of SYRIZA and ANEL even though no more in the Position of a hard Opposition, promotes in the one hand a social Messianism in the sense of a liberation of the society of their distress and, on the other hand the hope of a settlement of the Greek dept by a conference of creditors or by favourable arrangements of the EU partner countries. The announcements of the new Government is also coupled with a whole set of ambitious programs for social and economic reconstruction and development of the country . In conclusion, this version of the political changes in Greece is also embedded in a obsession of the return in the good times of the past. In this sense, it can be assumed that this political change has no trend-setting character for Greece but represents a transition phase in an process of cushioning the social anger. However, it remains to be seen whether the consequences of this transition process for Greece are portable