Konsep Kepemilikan dan Usaha dalam Islam

Kepemilikan harta merupakan salah satu kebutuhan dan alat pemuas dalam kehidupan manusia. Harta dibedakan antara materi dan nilai. Materi hanya bisa berwujud ketika seluruh manusia atau sebagian diantara mereka menggunakan sebagai materi, dan nilai hanya berlaku bila dibolehkan oleh ajaran        syari’at.          Dalam            konteks          kepemilikian,            harta dibedakan menjadi pemilikan individu dan pemilikan secara kolektif. Disamping prinsip pemilikan dalam Islam juga diatur mengenai usaha secara islami. Pemilikan terkait erat dengan wirausaha, karena apa yang telah dihasilkan dengan usahanya itu menjadi miliknya. Oleh karena itu prinsip pemilikan tidak bisa dipisahkan dengan wirausahaKepemilikan harta merupakan salah satu kebutuhan dan alat pemuas dalam kehidupan manusia. Harta dibedakan antara materi dan nilai. Materi hanya bisa berwujud ketika seluruh manusia atau sebagian diantara mereka menggunakan sebagai materi, dan nilai hanya berlaku bila dibolehkan oleh ajaran        syari’at.          Dalam            konteks          kepemilikian,            harta dibedakan menjadi pemilikan individu dan pemilikan secara kolektif. Disamping prinsip pemilikan dalam Islam juga diatur mengenai usaha secara islami. Pemilikan terkait erat dengan wirausaha, karena apa yang telah dihasilkan dengan usahanya itu menjadi miliknya. Oleh karena itu prinsip pemilikan tidak bisa dipisahkan dengan wirausah

In silico simulation of blood glucose-insulin dynamics using MATLAB-Simulink

Diabetes mellitus (DM) is a major public health concern in Malaysia and it continuously increases over years. Based on International Diabetes Federation, there are rising numbers of people having diabetes with 3.6 million people in Malaysia and 463 million people in the world [1]. The National Health and Morbidity Survey (NHMS) 2019 has shown that the diabetes in Malaysia has increased from 13.4% in 2015 to 18.3% in 2019 [2]. This can significantly increase the cost in diabetes treatment and management

EFEK KONSENTRASI DAN WAKTU APLIKASI PUPUK ORGANIK CAIR KULIT PISANG TERHADAP PERTUMBUHAN DAN HASIL TANAMAN KUMIS KUCING (Orthosiphon aristatus)

[EFFECT OF CONCENTRATION AND APPLICATION TIME OF ORGANIC FERTILIZER LIQUID BANANA PEELS ON GROWTH AND YIELD OF JAVA TEA (Orthosiphon aristatus)]. Java tea are medicinal plants that have many health benefits but java tea production is very low. Efforts are made to increase the growth and yield of java tea, namely the use of liquid organic fertilizer (LOF) banana peels. This study aims to obtain concentration, application time of LOF banana peels, and interactions between the two that produce high growth and yield of java tea. The study was conducted from November 2018 to February 2019 in the city of Bengkulu. The experiments were arranged based on a completely randomized design factorial pattern. The first factor is the LOF concentration of banana peels 25 mL/L, 50 mL/L, 75 mL/L, and 100 mL/L. The second factor is the time of LOF application which consists of 1 week application, 2 weeks application, and 3 weeks application. The results showed that independently giving concentration and application time and interaction did not significantly influence the variable thickness of leaves, total leaf area, shoot length, number of leaves, fresh plant weight, root length, and dry plant weight

Akar-akar Transnasionalisme Islam Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI)

This paper tries to trace and analyze the roots of?Islamic transnationalism? or ?transnational Islam? in Indonesia through the lens of the three theoretical frameworks that I borrowed from Mandaville as follows: (1) travelling theory; (2) hibridity theory, and; (3) diasphora theory. The paper focuses its analysis on an Islamic movement who carries the ideology of ?Islamic transnationalism? (khil? fah Isl?miyah), namely Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Before delving into the details of HTI?s ideological roots of transnational Islam, however, a conceptual definition of ?transnational Islam? will be elucidated in advance

The Politics of Multicultural Citizenship: Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Civil Religion Institutionalization in Indonesia

This paper analyzes how the issue of multicultural citizenship and civil religion has been practiced and debated in Indonesia from political perspective. The writer argues that multicultural citizenship is closely associated with civil religion, in the sense that the latter is the way to objectify and strengthen the earlier. The problem is that the more civil religion is routinized and objectified in daily life, the less the sense of the sacred is. As soon as religion has widely been practiced by members of the society, it soon becomes secular, losing its religious sense since it entangles with local culture. Therefore, objectifying and mainstreaming civic religion must be accompanied by keeping its religious arguments in order to give the civil religion sense of the sacred. As a multicultural country, Indonesia has long acknowledged multicultural citizenship. Sociologically speaking, each Indonesian citizen can live side by side regardless his/her socio-religious background without any discrimination. Indonesian constitution (UUD 1945) clearly states that everyone is equal before the law. Nevertheless, Indonesia’s multicultural citizenship soon becomes at stake, especially when political and economic factors interfere into the public sphere.

The Politics of Retaliation: the Backlash of Radical Islamists to the Deradicalization Project in Indonesia

This paper seeks to analyze how the program of deradicalization in Indonesia is approached, understood and treated by radical Islamists. This paper argues that the deradicalization program in this country has invited controversies, criticisms and even backlash from radical Islamists on the grounds that it goes against the principles of human rights because of state’s intervention into religious life of its citizens. In addition, it is carried out by violent method which mostly ends with killing the accused terrorists along with the arrest and ambush by security officers. In order to analyze the focus of the study, this paper employs socio-political approach. This paper finds that more thorough approach needs to be employed by the state within the framework of human rights. Therefore, the ideology of radical Islamism and terrorism must be dealt with from two sides; at the upstream and the downstream levels. At the upstream level, the program of deradicalization must be carried out within the framework of interdepartmental and ministerial partnership. This program should invite as many institutions as possible to be involved and reach as wide audience as possible. At the downstream level, the program of deradicalization must abide to human rights principles. The security approach taken by the government should not end with killing or dehumanizing terrorists. By doing so, the national program of deradicalization can appeal as wide sympathy possible and will not harvest backlash from the Islamists.[Artikel ini mendiskusikan bagaimana program deradikalisasi di Indonesia dipahami, dimengerti, dan disikapi oleh kalangan Islamis. Tulisan ini berasumsi bahwa program deradikalisasi yang dilakukan memincu kontroversi, kritik, bahkan memicu juga aksi balasan yang dilancarkan kalangan Islamis radikal. Beberapa kalangan menilai program tersebut melanggar prinsip hak asasi manusia karena merepresentasikan bentuk intervensi negara terhadap kehidupan beragama masyarakatnya. Lebih dari itu, beberapa program dilaksanakan dengan melakukan tindak kekerasan dan kerap berakhir dengan penangkapan, penganiayaan, bahkan pembunuhan tersangka teroris. Dalam menganalisis tema tulisan, pendekatan sosialpolitik digunakan. Artikel ini kemudian menemukan bahwa pendekatan yang berangkat dari nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia perlu dipertegas. Karena itu, ideologi islamis-radikal and terorisme harus dilihat melalui dua sisi secara bersama. Pada level atas, program deradikalisasi dilakukan dengan kerjasama antar lembaga dan kementerian terkait. Dengan begitu, program deradikalisasi diwujudkan dengan mengajak sebanyak-banyaknya lembaga untuk terlibat serta memperluas target audien. Pada level bawah, program deradikalisasi harus mematuhi prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pendekatan keamanan yang dominan dilakukan tidak harus berakhir dengan membunuh atau dengan melanggar hak asasi manusia yang juga melekat pada diri Islamis dan teroris. Dengan model seperti ini, program nasional deradikalisasi mampu memperoleh dukungan dan simpati masyarakat luas dan dapat meredam aksi balasan kalangan Islamis.

Partai Keadilan Sejahtera: A Mawdudian-Meliorist Vision of Islamism in Post-New Order Indonesia

This article seeks to analyze how one group, that is, the Justice and Welfare Party (PKS), is attempting to clean up politics from within the political party system. This article argues that the existence of PKS has given a new but unique political nuance to the political party system in post-New Order Indonesia. The seemingly sudden rise of PKS has taken many by surprise, and it is for this that the party has become the topic of much discourse amongst scholars of Indonesia.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v14i1.55

The Political Economy of Sunni-Shi’ah Conflict in Sampang Madura

Many overlooked the fact that politico-economic factors played an important role behind the 2011 and 2012 Sunni-Shi’ah conflict in Sampang Madura. Some, however, argue that the Sunni-Shi’ah conflict was merely driven by theological factors. The major roots of the conflict thus were therefore the internal dimensions of religious beliefs as contained in its doctrines. As a result, the conflict can only be explained in terms of religious and theological framework. This assumption is commonly shared by the majority of Madurese Muslims by arguing that the island of Madura cannot host the believers of non-Sunni. In the aftermath of the conflict, the community of Shi’ah has been forced to seek refuge outside of the land of Madura. By doing so, many observers and the Madurese Muslims tends to have treated political and economic factors as peripheral that exacerbated the escalation of conflict. This article, however, argues vice-versa that it is not theology, but politics and economy, which mainly steered the conflict. Theology played a role in exacerbating the escalation of conflict. During the conflict, religious and theological arguments were deployed as a mobilizing force in order to justify the conflict. Furthermore, the existence of Shi’ah community in Sampang is regarded by the mainstream Sunni community as a threat to their long domination over the socio-political structure in that region. The paper, thus, perceives the conflict as the way the local elites maintain the established mode of production. This paper is qualitative research that employs political-economy as its main approach in analyzing the data. [Para pengamat banyak tidak melihat aktor politik dan ekonomi di balik konflik Sunni dan Syiah 2011 dan 2012 di Sampang Madura. Para peneliti bahkan beranggapan bahwa konflik Sunni-Syiah itu dilatari oleh faktor teologis. Ini artinya bahwa tiap kelompok memegang sistem kepercayaan yang berbeda. Akar utama dari konflik itu pada persoalan agama dan doktrinnya yang menyebabkan konflik. Walhasil, konflik hanya bisa dijelaskan dari kerangka keagamaan dan teologis. Asumsi ini banyak dipegang oleh mayoritas Muslim Madura dengan berasalan bahwa orang Madura tidak menerima selain Sunni, termasuk Syiah. Setelah konflik, masyarakat Syiah dipaksa untuk mengungsi ke luar pulau Madura. Dengan begitu, banyak pengamat dan juga masyarakat Muslim Madura melihat faktor politis dan ekonomi hanya pinggiran yang memperparah konflik. Artikel ini beranggapan sebaliknya, bahwa politis dan ekonomi merupakan faktor utama. Teologi hanya memperparah saja. Pada saat konflik, faktor teologis dan agamis digunakan sebagai kekuatan untuk mobilisasi dan menjustifikasinya. Selanjutnya, keberadaan komunitas Syiah di Sampang dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi dominasi Sunni pada struktur sosio politis daerah itu. Artikel ini menganggap bahwa konflik hanyalah sebagai sarana elit lokal untuk mempertahankan dominasi sistem ekonomi. Makalah ini pada dasarnya merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang melihat faktor politis ekonomis sebagai pendekatan dan analisis data]