The Dog that Would Never Bite? The Past and Future of the Stability and Growth Pact

This paper analyses the underlying reasons for the creation of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) and its subsequent development in recent years. The paper examines the economic and political factors behind it, including the role of economic ideas, experts, politicians, institutional arrangements in the Maastricht Treaty, domestic politics, and the exceptional position of Germany in the realm of monetary integration in the EU. It concludes that a set of commonly held beliefs together with a corresponding power-political constellation explain the creation of the SGP.Das Papier analysiert die grundlegenden Bedingungen für das Zustandekommen des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts(SGP) und seiner Entwicklung in den Folgejahren. Es werden ökonomische und politische Faktoren untersucht, insbesondere die Rolle wirtschaftspolitischer Vorstellungen und den Einfluss von Experten, Politikern, institutioneller Regelungen im Maastricht Vertrag, innenpolitischer Vorgänge und die Sonderstellung Deutschlands im Bereich der Europäischen Währungsunion. Die gemeinschaftlichen wirtschaftspolitischen Vorstellungen werden als notwendige Bedingung für die Schaffung des Paktes aufgefasst, und ihr Zusammentreffen mit einer entsprechenden machtpolitischen Spielkonstellation wird als dessen hinreichende Erklärung verstanden.1 Introduction 2 Why Might an SGP be Necessary? – Lessons from Economics and Politics 2.1 The Economics of the SGP 2.2 The Politics of the SGP 3 Negotiating the Pact 4 Analysing the Birth of the Stability and Growth Pact 4.1 Actor Orientations 4.2 Actor Constellation 5 Lessons from the Theory and the Past for the Current Situation 6 Conclusion References Note

Framing the eurozone crisis: a case of limited ambition

The eurozone crisis provided a new opportunity for obtaining supranational fiscal integration within the European single currency area. This study applies a framing analysis to the crisis discourse that emerged from within the European Union’s intergovernmental forums involved in fiscal policy coordination. As well as linking policy frames to two different integration scenarios for the Economic and Monetary Union, the broader influence of macroeconomic ideology is also emphasised. It is found that the response to the intensification of the crisis in Europe was to employ framing devices supporting intergovernmental fiscal discipline. While there were emergent supranational discourses over the longer term, these were reflective of a limited reform ambition. A key constraining factor here were the sovereignty concerns and issues of moral hazard circulating amongst member states, which together have ensured that a supranational fiscal policy is unlikely to be obtained in Europe

Post-democracy and institutionalized austerity in France:budgetary politics during François Hollande’s presidency

This paper applies the concept of post-democracy coined by Crouch to shed light on the emerging political dynamics of macro-economic policy coordination in the Eurozone as they applied to France during Hollande’s presidency. Firstly, the paper explains the nature of EMU reform, characterized here as post-democratic by institutional design, before analysing its impact on France’s budgetary politics. Finally, the French case involving Hollande’s balancing act between supranational rules and domestic spending preferences is used as a way to reflect on the stability of this post-democratic arrangement for rescuing the Euro. The 2017 presidential election pitting Macron against Le Pen showed that post-democracy by design is sustainable only if the supply side of politics remains supportive of EMU – a condition undermined by the institutionalization of austerity, at least in France

CD11b+, Ly6G+ Cells Produce Type I Interferon and Exhibit Tissue Protective Properties Following Peripheral Virus Infection

The goal of the innate immune system is containment of a pathogen at the site of infection prior to the initiation of an effective adaptive immune response. However, effector mechanisms must be kept in check to combat the pathogen while simultaneously limiting undesirable destruction of tissue resulting from these actions. Here we demonstrate that innate immune effector cells contain a peripheral poxvirus infection, preventing systemic spread of the virus. These innate immune effector cells are comprised primarily of CD11b+Ly6C+Ly6G- monocytes that accumulate initially at the site of infection, and are then supplemented and eventually replaced by CD11b+Ly6C+Ly6G+ cells. The phenotype of the CD11b+Ly6C+Ly6G+ cells resembles neutrophils, but the infiltration of neutrophils typically occurs prior to, rather than following, accumulation of monocytes. Indeed, it appears that the CD11b+Ly6C+Ly6G+ cells that infiltrated the site of VACV infection in the ear are phenotypically distinct from the classical description of both neutrophils and monocyte/macrophages. We found that CD11b+Ly6C+Ly6G+ cells produce Type I interferons and large quantities of reactive oxygen species. We also observed that depletion of Ly6G+ cells results in a dramatic increase in tissue damage at the site of infection. Tissue damage is also increased in the absence of reactive oxygen species, although reactive oxygen species are typically thought to be damaging to tissue rather than protective. These data indicate the existence of a specialized population of CD11b+Ly6C+Ly6G+ cells that infiltrates a site of virus infection late and protects the infected tissue from immune-mediated damage via production of reactive oxygen species. Regulation of the action of this population of cells may provide an intervention to prevent innate immune-mediated tissue destruction

Outcome of Children and Adolescents With Relapsed/Refractory/Progressive Malignancies Treated With Molecularly Informed Targeted Drugs in the Pediatric Precision Oncology Registry INFORM

PURPOSE: INFORM is an international pediatric precision oncology registry, prospectively collecting molecular and clinical data of children with recurrent, progressive, or very high-risk malignancies. We have previously identified a subgroup of patients with improved outcomes on the basis of molecular profiling. The present analysis systematically investigates progression-free survival (PFS) and overall survival (OS) of patients receiving matching targeted treatment (MTT) with the most frequently applied drug classes and its correlation with underlying molecular alterations. METHODS: A cohort of 519 patients with relapsed or refractory high-risk malignancies who had completed a follow-up of at least 2 years or shorter in the case of death or loss to follow-up was analyzed. Survival times were compared using the log-rank test. RESULTS: MTT with anaplastic lymphoma kinase (ALK), neurotrophic tyrosine receptor kinase (NTRK), and B-RAF kinase (BRAF) inhibitors showed significantly improved PFS (P = .012) and OS (P = .036) in comparison with conventional treatment or no treatment. However, analysis of the four most commonly applied MTT groups, mitogen-activated protein kinase (MEK- n = 19), cyclin-dependent kinase (CDK- n = 23), other kinase (n = 62), and mammalian-target of rapamycin (mTOR- n = 20) inhibitors, did not reveal differences in PFS or OS compared with conventional treatment or no treatment in patients with similar molecular pathway alterations. We did not observe differences in the type of pathway alterations (eg, copy number alterations, single-nucleotide variants, InDels, gene fusions) addressed by MTT. CONCLUSION: Patients with respective molecular alterations benefit from treatment with ALK, NTRK, and BRAF inhibitors as previously described. No survival benefit was observed with MTT for mutations in the MEK, CDK, other kinase, or mTOR signaling pathways. The noninterventional character of a registry has to be taken into account when interpreting these data and underlines the need for innovative interventional biomarker-driven clinical trials in pediatric oncology

SOSORT consensus paper: school screening for scoliosis. Where are we today?

This report is the SOSORT Consensus Paper on School Screening for Scoliosis discussed at the 4th International Conference on Conservative Management of Spinal Deformities, presented by SOSORT, on May 2007. The objectives were numerous, 1) the inclusion of the existing information on the issue, 2) the analysis and discussion of the responses by the meeting attendees to the twenty six questions of the questionnaire, 3) the impact of screening on frequency of surgical treatment and of its discontinuation, 4) the reasons why these programs must be continued, 5) the evolving aim of School Screening for Scoliosis and 6) recommendations for improvement of the procedure

Legitimacy intermediation in the multilevel European polity and its collapse in the euro crisis

This essay re-examines the dual – republican and liberal – foundations of democratic legitimacy in the Western traditions of normative political theory. Considered in isolation, the European Union conforms to liberal standards but cannot satisfy republican criteria. Given these conflicting standards, debates on the alleged European democratic deficit have remained inconclusive. Moreover, they have failed to pay sufficient attention to the multilevel character of the European polity and to the normative potential of legitimacy intermediation in its two-step compliance and legitimating relationships. I argue, however, that the capacity of democratic member states to legitimate the exercise of European governing functions is being destroyed in the present euro crisis, and I briefly discuss the implications of this new constellation.In der westlichen Tradition der normativen politischen Theorie beruht demokratische Legitimität auf der doppelten Grundlage republikanischer und liberaler Prinzipien. Für sich betrachtet entspricht die Europäische Union zwar liberalen Kriterien, aber eben nicht den republikanischen Anforderungen. Angesichts so unterschiedlicher Kriterien konnte es auch im Streit über das angebliche europäische Demokratiedefizit keine Einigung geben. Überdies ignorierte diese Diskussion den Mehrebenen-Charakter der europäischen Politik und das normative Potenzial der Legitimationsvermittlung zwischen Union und Bürgern durch die demokratisch verfassten Mitgliedstaaten. Die gegenwärtige Eurokrise allerdings zerstört die Fähigkeit demokratischer Mitgliedstaaten, die Ausübung europäischer Herrschaftsfunktionen zu legitimieren. Der Aufsatz erörtert die Implikationen dieser neuen Konstellation.1 Introduction 2 Legitimacy discourses The republican discourse The liberal discourse Differences 3 Constitutional democracies – and the European Union? 4 Legitimacy intermediation in the multilevel European polity 5 The end of legitimacy intermediation in the euro crisis Monetary Union and the failure of output legitimacy Rescuing the euro through supranational intervention 6 Legitimate supranational government? Input-oriented European legitimacy? 7 Reducing the burden on European legitimacy Reference

The Stability and Growth Pact - Not the Best but Better than Nothing: Reviewing the Debate on Fiscal Policy in Europe’s Monetary Union

This paper aims to review the economic literature on the Maastricht deficit rule and the Stability and Growth Pact. The author tries to expose the contradictions and inconclusiveness of the debate, highlighting both the criticism and the defense of the fiscal policy regime in EMU. The paper is non-technical and seeks to provide an overview for a readership outside the economics profession. The concluding judgment is that the pact can be criticized on a number of grounds, but that the lack of a politically feasible alternative makes it a second best solution that should not be undermined in the present crisis.Dieses Papier ist eine summarische Auswertung der wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Fachliteratur zur Defizitregel des Maastrichter Vertrages und dem Europäischen Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt. Der Autor versucht, Widersprüche und fehlenden Konsens der Debatte darzustellen, indem die Argumente für und gegen das fiskalpolitische Regime der Währungsunion einander gegenübergestellt werden. Der Aufsatz ist nicht technisch und dient dem Zugang einer an der Materie interessierten, aber wirtschaftstheoretisch nicht vorgebildeten Leserschaft. Das abschließende Urteil sieht den Pakt als in einer Reihe von Punkten kritikwürdiges Provisorium an, das jedoch mangels einer realisierbaren Alternative nicht ausgehebelt werden sollte.1 Introduction 2 Grand Debates 2.1 Discipline versus Flexibility 2.2 Rules versus Discretion 2.3 Budgetary Coordination 2.4 Stabilization versus Consolidation 3 The Political Economy of the Pact 3.1 Fiscal–Monetary Interaction 3.2 Will the Pact be Adhered to? 3.3 Must a Policy Rule be Stupid? 4 Conclusion References Note