Electronic stepping stones: a mosaic metaphor for the production and re-distribution of communicative skill in an electric mode

About the book: In this book the relation between architecture, management and organization theory, a relation much under-explored and long overdue for reconsideration, is explored. By looking at processes of organizing from a spatial perspective, the authors reveal interesting insights into how power, culture, change, and identity are embedded, enacted and played out in and through space. Not only do we shape buildings but buildings also shape us. The interaction between how we design our environments, how these environments influence our behavior and by extension, who we are, is the key issue that provides the coherent focus for this volume. Combining both theoretically inspiring as well as practically relevant contributions, the book will be of interest for people studying architecture, design, sociology, and anthropology as well as management and organization theory

A symbol of imperial unity? The Australian colonies and the 1897 Imperial Conference

The 1897 colonial conference coincided with Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee and an outpouring of late-Victorian imperial sentiment. Against this backdrop of imperial celebration, colonial leaders met with Secretary of State for the Colonies, Joseph Chamberlain, whose own views as to the importance of imperial reform were taking shape. For the most part, while grateful for Chamberlain's interests, Australian leaders feared significant imperial reform might undermine rather than reinforce imperial unity. As a result, the conference struggled to translate pro-imperial sentiment into tangible commitments. This article argues that the meetings between Chamberlain and colonial leaders in 1897 are worthy of examination not only because they shed light on Anglo-Australian relations but also because they provide insight into a significant period in the history of late-Victorian British imperialism and the development of Australian federation. Drawing on the confidential proceedings of the conference, this article offers a close reading of the key imperial issues under discussion and their resonance in contemporary Australian and imperial political discourse. Moreover, it contends that the conference debates reflected not only important issues in Anglo-Australian affairs, but also a series of broader ambitions and limitations when it came to the campaign for imperial unity in the late-Victorian era

A Symbol of Imperial Unity? The Australian Colonies and the 1897 Imperial Conference

The 1897 colonial conference coincided with Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee and an outpouring of late-Victorian imperial sentiment. Against this backdrop of imperial celebration, colonial leaders met with Secretary of State for the Colonies, Joseph Chamberlain, whose own views as to the importance of imperial reform were taking shape. For the most part, while grateful for Chamberlain's interests, Australian leaders feared significant imperial reform might undermine rather than reinforce imperial unity. As a result, the conference struggled to translate pro-imperial sentiment into tangible commitments. This article argues that the meetings between Chamberlain and colonial leaders in 1897 are worthy of examination not only because they shed light on Anglo-Australian relations but also because they provide insight into a significant period in the history of late-Victorian British imperialism and the development of Australian federation. Drawing on the confidential proceedings of the conference, this article offers a close reading of the key imperial issues under discussion and their resonance in contemporary Australian and imperial political discourse. Moreover, it contends that the conference debates reflected not only important issues in Anglo-Australian affairs, but also a series of broader ambitions and limitations when it came to the campaign for imperial unity in the late-Victorian era

Recovering experience, confirming identity, voicing resistance: The Braceros

Purpose – This paper investigates how the learning trajectory of corporations utilising information and communication technologies has been matched by the labour movement and social movements associated with it. Design/methodology/approach – The paper investigates new communication dynamics of labour in the international setting. It then focuses on a broader and richer set of online practices by labour by drawing on material placed on the world wide web by members of and advocates for the Braceros (the strong arms) – migrant Mexican workers. These practices follow on a history of effective use of the new information communication technologies by the Zapatista movement in Mexico. Findings – The paper places these activities in the context of globalisation and the global movement of capital and labour. It argues that the practices of online communication associated with the Braceros can be harnessed to move beyond the reactive shadowing of capital by labour. Instead innovative and proactive forms of monitoring policies and critiquing outcomes become possible. Practical implications – Internet-based counter-coordination allows the construction and diffusion of a different understanding of the nature and consequences of the current mode of globalisation. Originality/value – The paper demonstrates the ways in which information and communication technologies can be used to engage in thematic mapping and construction of memory by labour and provides an example of the electronic sampling and indexing of material

Do Welfare Reforms Make Abused Women Safer?

Welfare reforms over the last decade have sustained, and even enhanced, the power of abusive men.York's Knowledge Mobilization Unit provides services and funding for faculty, graduate students, and community organizations seeking to maximize the impact of academic research and expertise on public policy, social programming, and professional practice. It is supported by SSHRC and CIHR grants, and by the Office of the Vice-President Research & Innovation. [email protected] www.researchimpact.c

Reported Perception and Clinical Diagnosis of Autism Among White and Non-White Groups

Objective: Lessen racial disparity by advancing awareness and promoting culturally competent practice related to Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) among racial groups to safeguard that children regardless of race, receive timely, accurate diagnosis and intervention. Evidence has been inconclusive regarding disparities in identifying and diagnosing ASD with some reports of higher incidents of delayed and missed diagnoses of ASD among underserved ethnic and racial minority groups. Thus, this study examined the relationship between the child’s race and reported perception of ASD and clinical diagnosis of ASD among White and Non-White children. Method: The sample (N=48) consisted of preschool children (between the ages 2 to 5) referred by the Child Find Project to the Psychological and School Services of Eastern Carolina (PSSEC), who completed the Pediatric Autism intakes and diagnostic forms. The MANOVA statistical analysis was used to examine whether differences existed between reported perceptions of ASD in White and Non-White groups compared to clinician’s diagnosis of ASD in White and Non-White groups based on the child’s race. Results: The results revealed an overall higher rate of diagnosis of ASD among the White group compared to the Non-White group. However, teachers’ reported perception of ASD was higher for the Non-White group, while parents reported perception of ASD was lower for the Non-White group. Conclusions: These findings revealed differences in the way ASD symptoms were perceived, which can explain the previously reported higher delayed and missed diagnoses of ASD among underserved ethnic and racial minorities. Keywords: Autism Spectrum Disorder; race; ethnicity; minority; perceptio

Graduate Attributes: Development and Testing

Background: Universities across the world have considered which attributes were important to their graduates and examined the extent that programs included experiences and opportunities conducive to exposure to and development of the desired attributes. Methodology: An action research cycle of three phases focused on review, development and implementation of statements of curriculum intent and outcomes. Results: The iterative processes of evaluation and curriculum renewal led to agreement that graduates from university degrees should exit with attributes that distinguish their higher education experience. Conclusion: Consultative processes led to identification of Graduate Attributes (GAs) Domains unique to the University. Implementation of the GAs with a selection of programs demonstrated practicality and effectiveness

Family Matters: Immigrant Women’s Activism in Ontario and British Columbia, 1960s -1980s

This article uses oral history interviews to explore the ways in which different attitudes towards family and motherhood could create major tensions between mainstream feminists and immigrant women’s activists in Ontario and British Columbia between the 1960s and the 1980s.  Immigrant women’s belief in the value of the family did not prevent immigrant women from going out to work to help support their families or accessing daycare and women’s shelters, hard fought benefits of the women’s movement.  However, these women demanded access to job training, English language classes, childcare, and women’s shelters on their own terms, in ways that minimized the racism they faced, respected religious and cultural values, and respected the fact that the heterosexual family remained an important resource for the majority of immigrant women.  Immigrant women activists were less likely to accept a purely gender-based analysis than mainstream feminists. They often sought to work with men in their own communities, even in dealing with violence against women. And issues of violence and of reproductive rights often could not be understood only within the boundaries of Canada. For immigrant women violence against women was often analyzed in relation to political violence in their homelands, while demands for fully realized reproductive rights drew on experiences of coercion both in Canada and transnationally.Cet article s’appuie sur des entrevues d’histoire orale pour explorer les façons dont différentes attitudes à l’égard de la famille et de la maternité pouvaient créer des tensions considérables entre les féministes traditionnelles et les femmes immigrantes activistes en Ontario et en Colombie-Britannique entre les années 1960 et 1980. L’attachement des femmes immigrantes aux valeurs familiales ne les a pas empêchées d’aller travailler pour aider à nourrir leur famille et de se prévaloir des garderies et des refuges pour femmes battues, avantages gagnés de haute lutte par le mouvement féministe. Toutefois, ces femmes ont exigé d’avoir accès à la formation professionnelle, aux cours d’anglais, aux garderies et aux refuges pour femmes battues à leur façon, de manière à minimiser le racisme qu’elles rencontraient, à honorer leurs valeurs religieuses et culturelles et à respecter le fait que la famille hétérosexuelle restait une ressource importante pour la majorité des immigrantes. Les immigrantes militantes étaient moins susceptibles d’accepter une analyse purement sexospécifique que les féministes traditionnelles. Elles cherchaient souvent à travailler avec les hommes dans leur propre communauté, même dans le domaine de la violence contre les femmes. Et les questions de violence et de droits génésiques ne peuvent souvent pas être comprises uniquement à l’intérieur des frontières du Canada. Pour les femmes immigrantes, la violence à l’égard des femmes était souvent analysée en liaison avec la violence politique dans leur pays d’origine, tandis que leurs exigences en faveur de la pleine réalisation de leurs droits génésiques s’appuyaient sur des expériences de coercition tant au Canada que dans d’autres pays