Associations between street connectivity and active transportation

Background: Past studies of associations between measures of the built environment, particularly street connectivity, and active transportation (AT) or leisure walking/bicycling have largely failed to account for spatial autocorrelation of connectivity variables and have seldom examined both the propensity for AT and its duration in a coherent fashion. Such efforts could improve our understanding of the spatial and behavioral aspects of AT. We analyzed spatially identified data from Los Angeles and San Diego Counties collected as part of the 2001 California Health Interview Survey. Results: Principal components analysis indicated that ~85% of the variance in nine measures of street connectivity are accounted for by two components representing buffers with short blocks and dense nodes (PRIN1) or buffers with longer blocks that still maintain a grid like structure (PRIN2). PRIN1 and PRIN2 were positively associated with active transportation (AT) after adjustment for diverse demographic and health related variables. Propensity and duration of AT were correlated in both Los Angeles (r = 0.14) and San Diego (r = 0.49) at the zip code level. Multivariate analysis could account for the correlation between the two outcomes. After controlling for demography, measures of the built environment and other factors, no spatial autocorrelation remained for propensity to report AT (i.e., report of AT appeared to be independent among neighborhood residents). However, very localized correlation was evident in duration of AT, particularly in San Diego, where the variance of duration, after accounting for spatial autocorrelation, was 5% smaller within small neighborhoods (~0.01 square latitude/longitude degrees = 0.6 mile diameter) compared to within larger zip code areas. Thus a finer spatial scale of analysis seems to be more appropriate for explaining variation in connectivity and AT. Conclusions: Joint analysis of the propensity and duration of AT behavior and an explicitly geographic approach can strengthen studies of the built environment and physical activity (PA), specifically AT. More rigorous analytical work on cross-sectional data, such as in the present study, continues to support the need for experimental and longitudinal study designs including the analysis of natural experiments to evaluate the utility of environmental interventions aimed at increasing PA

U.S. congressional district cancer death rates

BACKGROUND: Geographic patterns of cancer death rates in the U.S. have customarily been presented by county or aggregated into state economic or health service areas. Herein, we present the geographic patterns of cancer death rates in the U.S. by congressional district. Many congressional districts do not follow state or county boundaries. However, counties are the smallest geographical units for which death rates are available. Thus, a method based on the hierarchical relationship of census geographic units was developed to estimate age-adjusted death rates for congressional districts using data obtained at county level. These rates may be useful in communicating to legislators and policy makers about the cancer burden and potential impact of cancer control in their jurisdictions. RESULTS: Mortality data were obtained from the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) for 1990–2001 for 50 states, the District of Columbia, and all counties. We computed annual average age-adjusted death rates for all cancer sites combined, the four major cancers (lung and bronchus, prostate, female breast, and colorectal cancer) and cervical cancer. Cancer death rates varied widely across congressional districts for all cancer sites combined, for the four major cancers, and for cervical cancer. When examined at the national level, broad patterns of mortality by sex, race and region were generally similar with those previously observed based on county and state economic area. CONCLUSION: We developed a method to generate cancer death rates by congressional district using county-level mortality data. Characterizing the cancer burden by congressional district may be useful in promoting cancer control and prevention programs, and persuading legislators to enact new cancer control programs and/or strengthening existing ones. The method can be applied to state legislative districts and other analyses that involve data aggregation from different geographic units

Geographic bias related to geocoding in epidemiologic studies

BACKGROUND: This article describes geographic bias in GIS analyses with unrepresentative data owing to missing geocodes, using as an example a spatial analysis of prostate cancer incidence among whites and African Americans in Virginia, 1990–1999. Statistical tests for clustering were performed and such clusters mapped. The patterns of missing census tract identifiers for the cases were examined by generalized linear regression models. RESULTS: The county of residency for all cases was known, and 26,338 (74%) of these cases were geocoded successfully to census tracts. Cluster maps showed patterns that appeared markedly different, depending upon whether one used all cases or those geocoded to the census tract. Multivariate regression analysis showed that, in the most rural counties (where the missing data were concentrated), the percent of a county's population over age 64 and with less than a high school education were both independently associated with a higher percent of missing geocodes. CONCLUSION: We found statistically significant pattern differences resulting from spatially non-random differences in geocoding completeness across Virginia. Appropriate interpretation of maps, therefore, requires an understanding of this phenomenon, which we call "cartographic confounding.

Recent Spatiotemporal Patterns of US Lung Cancer by Histologic Type

BackgroundAfter a period of increasing rates, lung cancer incidence is declining in the US for men and women. We investigated lung cancer rate patterns by gender, geographic location, and histologic subtype, and for total lung cancer (TLC), for the entire study period, and for 2000–2011 from 17 surveillance, epidemiology, and end results areas.MethodsFor each gender–histologic type combination, time trend plots and maps of age-adjusted rates are presented. Time trend significance was tested by joinpoint regression analysis. Spatial random effects models were applied to examine effects of sociodemographic factors, health insurance coverage, smoking, and physician density at the county level. Linked micromap plots illustrate patterns for important model predictors.ResultsDeclining incidence trends occurred for TLC (p < 0.05, entire period). Squamous cell carcinoma trends increased for females only (p < 0.05). Small cell carcinoma trends declined overall, p < 0.05, but recently increased faster for females than males. Adenocarcinoma rates initially declined, but were significantly increasing by 2004, p < 0.05. Counties with higher current smoking and family poverty were strongly associated with higher risk for all gender–histologic types (p < 0.0001, for both variables). County socioeconomic status was associated with higher risk for all lung cancer subtypes for females, p < 0.02. Counties with more diagnostic radiologists were associated with higher TLC rates (p < 0.03); counties with greater primary care physician access were associated with lower TLC rates (p < 0.03). TLC incidence rates were higher in eastern and southern states than western areas. Male rates were higher than female rates along the West Coast. Males and females had similar small cell rate patterns, with higher rates in the Midwest and southeast. Squamous cell carcinoma and adenocarcinoma rate patterns were similar to TLC patterns, except for relatively higher female adenocarcinoma rates in the northeast and northwest.ConclusionGeographic patterns and declining time trends for incident lung cancer are consistent with previous mortality patterns. Male–female time trend and geographic pattern differences occur by histologic type. Time trends remain significant, even after adjustment for significant covariates. Knowledge of the variation of lung cancer incidence by region and histologic type is useful for surveillance and for implementing lung cancer control efforts

[[alternative]]Metropolis dual-dwelling declaration : city activities beneath culture of congestion

碩士[[abstract]]長期以來，針對都市發展與居住型態上的探討，大多著墨在人口密度與城市空間的關係上。本研究對於高密度下所形成的擁擠現象中，試圖以找尋生活型態的方式重新詮釋人們對於居住上的需求與夢想。面對如此巨大的都市機器時，對於居住於此的人們在無法拒絕規律系統下，提供某種游移脈絡間的設計探索；使得都市空間一方面相連，一方面又互異下所拆解的原型，作為假設性的發展基礎。設計在此並非作為一個決定性的角色扮演，而是鋪陳更多生活夢想的原型重新被置入台北首都核心區的可能性。 以下為各章內容之簡要介紹： 第一章 說明本設計論文之動機與目的。 第二章 透過整理城市擴張的發展型態過程，了解大都會所產生的 原因與問題。比較當時面對人口快速增加所採取的都市策 略與實施後的結果。 第三章 在案例研究上，敘述居住在不同文化背景下的都會生活， 人們如何對於不可避免的擁擠文化下所形成的生活觀感。 第四章 以台北為觀點，整理出不同人口密度下反映的居住方式與 所形塑的都市型態，作為置入基地的參考原型。 第五章 設計發展上，以一種虛構夢想的方式重新看待首都核心區 未來的可能性。透過有別於原本的城市系統下，重置第二 種秩序的催化動作。使得原本過於單一缺乏生活想像的都 市空間，偷渡更多貼近人們慾望的場所經驗。 第六章 擁擠文化所產生集體疲憊下的精神狀態已成為大都會的共 通點，如何透過提出的都市策略改變原本都市計畫下僵化 的分區生活，試圖提供更多不期而遇的生活片段便是本設 計論文的最主要的核心觀點。[[abstract]]Abstract： For a long time, the discussion on urban development and residence mode mainly focused on the relationship between population density and city space. Under the congestion phenomenon caused by high density, this research tries to re-explain people’s demands and dreams for residence by looking for living modes. When facing such a huge urban machine, this research provides certain design exploration moving between threads of thoughts for people living here and unable to reject this regular system, which takes the disassembled prototype in connected and different urban spaces as the hypothetic development basis. Design is not a crucial role play here, but to expatiate on the possibility of the prototype of more life dreams being re-placed into the metropolitan center of Taipei. The following is the brief introduction of the contents of each chapter: Chapter 1 Explaining the motive and purpose of this design thesis. Chapter2 Understanding the reasons and problems caused in metropolises by arranging the development process of urban expansion. Comparing the urban strategies taken when facing the rapidly increasing population with the implement results. Chapter 3 By researches on cases, describing the urban life under different cultural backgrounds and the living concepts of people for the inevitable culture of congestion. Chapter 4 Arranging the reflected living methods and shaped urban modes under different population density as the reference prototype of placed base via the viewpoint of Taipei. Chapter 5 For design development, re-viewing the future possibility of metropolitan central area by the way of a kind of invented dreams. Re-building the catalyzing activity of the second order via an urban system different from the original one. Importing more place experience close to people’s desires into the original urban space, which is too simple and lacking for life imagination. Chapter 6 The spiritual condition of collective fatigue caused by the culture of congestion has become the common point of metropolises; and how to change the rigid divided life of original urban plans via the proposed urban strategies, and trying to provide more unexpected life parts are the most important central concept of this design thesis.[[tableofcontents]]第一章︰序言 1-1.緣起------------------------------------------------ 2 1-1-1關於迷戀------------------------------------------- 3 1-1-2危險愉悅的城市疏離----------------------------------4 1-2.研究目的---------------------------------------------4 第二章.文獻回顧 2-1擁擠文化的形成----------------------------------------6 2-2花園城市的迷思與衝突？--------------------------------8 2-3巨集城市----------------------------------------------9 2-4城市擴張過程------------------------------------------10 2-4-1都會發展的四個擴張圈--------------------------------10 2-4-2 世界著名大都市的空間結構---------------------------10 2-5大都會的混亂------------------------------------------12 2-5-1 18世紀末英國工業革命帶來的人口聚集-----------------12 2-5-2戰後美國舊城更新的發展與演變------------------------12 2-5-3美國911事件的醒思-----------------------------------13 2-6都市中心空洞化vs.郊區都市化的隱憂---------------------14 2-6-1郊區化的開端----------------------------------------14 2-6-2郊區化後的區域巨集(以美國為例)----------------------15 2-6-3新都市主義運動的興起--------------------------------16 2-7小結--------------------------------------------------17 第三章.案例研究：尋找生活在城市裡 3-1 分散式城市與集中式城市的比較（維也納vs.香港）--------19 3-2 香港：多層城市---------------------------------------20 3-2-1為何不住低密度? ------------------------------------20 3-2-2住居發展下的生活型態--------------------------------20 3-2-3 Add-on的空間極致使用：重慶大廈（chungking mansions)22 3-3 2004年的城市觀感：威尼斯雙年展-----------------------23 3-3-1日本館：otaku=人格=空間=城市------------------------23 3-3-2美國館︰a.筴狀空間的垂直城市 b.停車塔之城 c.城市中的體育館-----------------------------------------------------24 3-4北京城更新探討----------------------------------------26 3-4-1推土機式的城市擴張----------------------------------27 3-4-2理想規劃的城市擴張----------------------------------28 3-5小結--------------------------------------------------29 第四章. 擁擠台北學 4-1擁擠好不好？------------------------------------------31 4-1-1.擁擠的定義-----------------------------------------31 4-1-2.愉悅的擁擠文化：柯尼島-----------------------------31 4-2.都市計畫的異常擴張-----------------------------------33 4-2-1擁擠vs.分散-----------------------------------------33 4-2-2單一化分區後的生活型態？----------------------------33 4-2-3.都市中心空洞化：核心商業區下的現狀？---------------34 4-3.居台北-----------------------------------------------35 4-3-1.型態一.郊區式生活: 北投----------------------------36 4-3-2.型態二.副都心與主要商圈生活：信義計畫區------------37 4-3-3.型態三.多層住商混合區的豪宅生活：大安區------------38 4-4.小結-------------------------------------------------39 第五章.設計發展 5-1.佈局的現象學：方格城市-------------------------------41 5-2.首都核心區定位的困境---------------------------------42 5-3.城市擾動分析:核心區變動史（50年變或不變）------------43 5-3-1 1905年---------------------------------------------43 5-3-2 1955年---------------------------------------------44 5-3-3 2005年---------------------------------------------45 5-4 .都市策略--------------------------------------------45 5-4-1.郊區vs.市區（業種業態分析）------------------------46 5-4-2活動區塊分析----------------------------------------47 5-4-3.密度vs.生活樣貌分析--------------------------------48 5-4-4 urban infill---------------------------------------49 5-4-5 transprogramming-----------------------------------51 5-5 .設計策略--------------------------------------------55 5-6 .設計一:下班百貨公司---------------------------------56 5-7 .設計二:植物百貨公司---------------------------------61 5-8 .設計小結--------------------------------------------66 第六章.結論 6-1.集體疲憊的城市常態-----------------------------------69 6-2.反思都市策略：對立和協調-----------------------------70 6-3.附錄一:參考書目--------------------------------------71[[note]]學號: 692300022, 學年度: 9