Sophia Lee, Flute

Lensky\u27s Aria from the opera Eugen Onegin, Op. 24 / Peter Tchaikovsky; Flute Sonata Undine, Op. 167 / Carl Reinecke; Sonata for Flute, Violin and Piano, H.254 / Bohuslav Martin

Sophia Lee, Flute

Hamburger Sonata in G Major Wotq 133 / C.P.E. Bach; East Wind / Shulamit Ran; Piano Trio No. 39 in G major Hob. Xv:25 - Gypsy / Joseph Haydn; Prelude in Blue / Joel Love; Flute Concerto / André Jolive

Two-Photon Direct Frequency Comb Spectroscopy of Rubidium

Precision spectroscopy measurements have contributed significantly to our understanding of the fundamental structure of atoms. Here we present an experiment involving a new precision spectroscopic technique using a femtosecond optical frequency comb to excite two-photon transitions in rubidium. A femtosecond optical frequency comb is an ultrashort, pulsed laser with tens of thousands of frequencies, equally spaced in frequency-space. These frequencies can be used to excite atoms to specific transitions. The frequency comb is a versatile instrument that can avoid many of the experimental uncertainties that are associated with other spectroscopic techniques. The specific technique we use is called velocity selective resonance, and it is used to eliminate Doppler broadening in our spectra. In addition, the setup could be cheaply and easily altered to study different atoms or systems. In this experiment, we study this new precision measurement technique of using an optical frequency comb for spectroscopy

A Signal or a Silo? Title VII\u27s Unexpected Hegemony

Title VII’s domination of employment discrimination law today was not inevitable. Indeed, when Title VII was initially enacted, its supporters viewed it as weak and flawed. They first sought to strengthen and improve the law by disseminating equal employment enforcement throughout the federal government. Only in the late 1970s did they instead favor consolidating enforcement under Title VII. Yet to labor historians and legal scholars, Title VII’s triumphs came at a steep cost to unions. They write wistfully of an alternative regime that would have better harmonized antidiscrimination with labor law’s recognition of workers’ right to organize and bargain collectively with employers. A Signal or a Silo explains how these impulses played out during Title VII’s uncertain first fifteen years as advocates, legislators, administrators, and workers pursued a more powerful Title VII on the one hand and one more harmonized with labor rights on the other. Empowering Title VII via dissemination proved more costly and less effective than its proponents expected; achieving a more harmonious regime was more complicated than is currently thought. This history provides a cautionary tale to those today who seek to reinvigorate labor rights by incorporating them into Title VII

A Revolution at War with Itself? Preserving Employment Preferences from \u3ci\u3eWeber\u3c/i\u3e to \u3ci\u3eRicci\u3c/i\u3e

Two aspects of the constitutional transformation Bruce Ackerman describes in The Civil Rights Revolution were on a collision course, one whose trajectory has implications for Ackerman’s account and for his broader theory of constitutional change. Ackerman makes a compelling case that what he terms “reverse state action” (the targeting of private actors) and “government by numbers” (the use of statistics to identify and remedy violations of civil rights laws) defined the civil rights revolution. Together they “requir[ed] private actors, as well as state officials, to . . . realize the principles of constitutional equality” and allowed the federal government to “actually achieve egalitarian advances in the real world.” Within the frame of Ackerman’s study, these features of the civil rights revolution worked in tandem, perhaps even synergistically, helping to generate the period’s remarkable changes in voting, employment, and education. But as this essay shows, at least in the case of employment discrimination, reverse state action quickly became a threat to government by numbers. In the 1970s, no sooner did numerical measures take hold in preventing, settling, and remedying employment discrimination than courts faced claims that these measures violated the very laws pursuant to which they had been adopted. Exactly when and where state action adhered ultimately helped decide the viability of the numerical approach in the new employment discrimination regime. The eventual tensions between the “government by numbers” and “reverse state action” strands of Ackerman’s account raise questions about the content and viability of the civil rights revolution he documents. They also underscore the importance of refining his theory’s account of what he terms consolidation, synthesis, and judicial betrayal

Two-Photon Direct Frequency Comb Spectroscopy of Rubidium

Precision spectroscopy measurements have contributed significantly to our understanding of the fundamental structure of atoms. Here we present an experiment involving a new precision spectroscopic technique using a femtosecond optical frequency comb to excite two-photon transitions in rubidium. A femtosecond optical frequency comb is an ultrashort, pulsed laser with tens of thousands of frequencies, equally spaced in frequency-space. These frequencies can be used to excite atoms to specific transitions. The frequency comb is a versatile instrument that can avoid many of the experimental uncertainties that are associated with other spectroscopic techniques. The specific technique we use is called velocity selective resonance, and it is used to eliminate Doppler broadening in our spectra. In addition, the setup could be cheaply and easily altered to study different atoms or systems. In this experiment, we study this new precision measurement technique of using an optical frequency comb for spectroscopy

A Revolution at War with Itself? Preserving Employment Preferences from \u3ci\u3eWeber\u3c/i\u3e to \u3ci\u3eRicci\u3c/i\u3e

Two aspects of the constitutional transformation Bruce Ackerman describes in The Civil Rights Revolution were on a collision course, one whose trajectory has implications for Ackerman’s account and for his broader theory of constitutional change. Ackerman makes a compelling case that what he terms “reverse state action” (the targeting of private actors) and “government by numbers” (the use of statistics to identify and remedy violations of civil rights laws) defined the civil rights revolution. Together they “requir[ed] private actors, as well as state officials, to . . . realize the principles of constitutional equality” and allowed the federal government to “actually achieve egalitarian advances in the real world.” Within the frame of Ackerman’s study, these features of the civil rights revolution worked in tandem, perhaps even synergistically, helping to generate the period’s remarkable changes in voting, employment, and education. But as this essay shows, at least in the case of employment discrimination, reverse state action quickly became a threat to government by numbers. In the 1970s, no sooner did numerical measures take hold in preventing, settling, and remedying employment discrimination than courts faced claims that these measures violated the very laws pursuant to which they had been adopted. Exactly when and where state action adhered ultimately helped decide the viability of the numerical approach in the new employment discrimination regime. The eventual tensions between the “government by numbers” and “reverse state action” strands of Ackerman’s account raise questions about the content and viability of the civil rights revolution he documents. They also underscore the importance of refining his theory’s account of what he terms consolidation, synthesis, and judicial betrayal

Our Administered Constitution: Administrative Constitutionalism from the Founding to the Present

This article argues that administrative agencies have been primary interpreters and implementers of the federal Constitution throughout the history of the United States, although the scale and scope of this administrative constitutionalism has changed significantly over time as the balance of opportunities and constraints has shifted. Courts have nonetheless cast an increasingly long shadow over the administered Constitution. In part, this is because of the well-known expansion of judicial review in the 20th century. But the shift has as much to do with changes in the legal profession, legal theory, and lawyers’ roles in agency administration. The result is that administrative constitutionalism may still be the most frequent form of constitutional governance, but it has grown, paradoxically, more suspect even as it has also become far more dependent on and deferential to judicial interpretations. This article also contends that the history of administrative constitutionalism poses a problem for critics of the modern administrative state who seek to restore administrative law to its 19th-century foundations. These critics hold out constitutional law as uniquely important; it is what powers their arguments that the United States should turn back the clock. And they prefer 19th-century agencies because they depict them as exercising little consequential legal power. But this history suggests that those agencies had the first and often final word on the Constitution’s meaning. These critics also assume that reinstating the 19th-century constitutional order would empower courts to more closely scrutinize agency action. The history presented here instead suggests that returning to 19th-century administrative law would all but eliminate judicial review of the constitutionality of agency actions. Indeed, the burgeoning history of administrative constitutionalism suggests that anyone who wants to ensure that courts review the constitutionality of agency action has to appeal to theories that are rooted in constitutional change not origins, and in 20th- not 19th-century administrative law and judicial practice