Nord Stream 2: a political and economic contextualisation

This study explores the commercial, economic, regulatory and political implications of the Nord Stream 2 project. The plans to add another two pipelines to the Nord Stream facility under the Baltic Sea have created waves within the European Union. Whether it fails or succeeds, the project’s political costs will be high, as it touches on sensitive interests in many quarters. Nord Stream is a commercial venture, but its impacts transcend its commercial and energy ramifications, and differ widely among EU states. Without a question, the project represents a challenge for energy diplomacy both internal and external. Its potentially divisive effects on European energy policy and the Energy Union need to be cushioned and contained. (author's abstract

EU options on Russia and the Eastern partners: "cooperative confrontation" as the guiding principle beyond the Riga Summit

"Moscow's hegemonic stance on the post-Soviet space and its provocations in Ukraine force the European Union to find strategic clarity in its eastern neighbourhood. Often in the midst of discontinuous internal reform processes, the countries to the Union's east find themselves hanging between a vague "wider Europe" proposal from Brussels and Moscow's increasingly forceful idea of a "wider Russia". At the May 2015 Riga Summit the EU heads of state and government will meet with their counterparts from the Eastern Partnership, including the new associates Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine. The EU should grant these countries political guarantees, material assistance and European perspectives. But the European Union can only develop bilateral and plurilateral European perspectives if it faces up to the Russian factor and realigns its relations with Moscow on the Eastern Policy triangle of stability, cooperation and norm-driven transformation."(Autorenreferat

Friends in need: the corona pandemic changes the landscape and groups and coalitions in the EU

The corona pandemic and its economic and social consequences are testing EU cohe­sion as well as the balance of power in the Union. The belated -or lack of - reaction by the EU during the crisis has reinforced the national sovereignty of the member states and the dominance of the intergovernmental method in moments of crisis. One of the palpable consequences has been an alteration in the "North-South divide" resulting from a European policy offensive by Spain and Italy, a stronger "southern orientation" by France, and a simultaneous crumbling of the "New Hanseatic League". During the corona crisis, institutionalised groups of member states have acted pri­marily as interest groups that exacerbate differences rather than overcome them. Germany, which will assume a special mediating role as the Presidency of the Council from 1 July 2020, has to act as a bridge builder. (Autorenreferat

The Role of Prophylactic Central Neck Dissection in Differentiated Thyroid Carcinoma: Issues and Controversies

Prophylactic central neck dissection (pCND) in differentiated thyroid carcinoma (DTC) is one of the most controversial surgical subjects in recent times. To date, there is little evidence to support the practice of pCND in patients with DTC undergoing total thyroidectomy. Although the recently revised American Thyroid Association (ATA) guideline has clarified many inconsistencies regarding pCND and has recommended pCND in “high-risk” patients, many issues and controversies surrounding the subject of pCND in DTC remain. The recent literature has revealed an insignificant trend toward lower recurrence rate in patients with DTC who undergo total thyroidectomy and pCND than those who undergo total thyroidectomy alone. However, this was subjected to biases, and there are concerns whether pCND should be performed by all surgeons who manage DTC because of increased surgical morbodity. Performing a unilateral pCND may be better than a bilateral pCND given its lower surgical morbidity. Further studies in this controversial subject are much needed

Taking the lead into sustainability: decision makers’ competencies for a greener future

Many research articles describe competencies that people need in order to think, develop, and enact a sustainable future. Based on findings from the political economy, this paper argues that it is the macroscopic decisions in the public sphere that have an impact on society and the environment. Therefore, decision makers in the economy, politics, and civil society are important actors to enable a societal transformation towards sustainability by making macroscopic decisions. Based on these assumptions, this empirical research article analyzes the competencies decision makers such as ministers, CEOs, or union leaders need to contribute to a sustainable future in their professional life. We conducted interviews with 14 high-level decision makers and analyzed their competencies based on Wiek et al.’s framework on sustainability competencies. The findings show how they enact and organize the competencies needed for steering the sustainable transition. Linking all competencies is particularly important, especially at the intersection of different systems, to develop a macroscale, system-oriented decision. The authors suggest to consider systems and interpersonal thinking as extremely interdisciplinary competencies and to put a focus on public-sphere actions when educating future leaders. Moreover, the results indicate that dealing with uncertainty, following one’s own values, and building up resilience play a major role for decision makers

Endoscopic vs Robotic Thyroidectomy: Which is Better?

published_or_final_versionSpringer Open Choice, 21 Feb 201

Das Weimarer Dreieck: ein neuer "Motor" für die größere EU?

"Durch die Aufnahme von zehn neuen Mitgliedern in die Europäische Union sinkt die Gestaltungsmacht des deutsch-französischen Tandems. Muss auf die Erweiterung der EU auch eine Erweiterung der deutsch-französischen Zusammenarbeit folgen? Und müssten sich Deutschland und Frankreich nicht gerade Polen gegenüber öffnen? Schließlich bedarf es als größtes und äußerst selbstbewusstes neues Mitgliedsland in besonderem Maße der Einbeziehung in europäische Abstimmungsprozesse. Mit dem 'Weimarer Dreieck', des Anfang der neunziger Jahre von Frankreich, Deutschland und Polen etablierten informellen Konsultationsrahmens, besteht ein Mechanismus, der diese drei Partner zusammenbringt, bislang jedoch stark formalisiert war. Eines der zentralen Ziele des Dreierzusammenhangs, Polens Mitgliedschaft in der EU, ist nun erfüllt. Soll das Weimarer Dreieck in dieser Situation einen neuen Anlauf unternehmen? Die Erfahrung zeigt: Das Potential der französisch-deutsch-polnischen Kooperation darf nicht überschätzt werden. 'Weimar' sollte nicht mit allzu ambitionierten Vorgaben überfrachtet und auch nicht als künftiger Motor der größeren Union verstanden werden. Dennoch ist eine Aufwertung des bisherigen Dreiermechanismus möglich und wünschenswert. Als trilaterales Konsultations- und Klärungsforum könnte das Weimarer Dreieck dazu beitragen, offensichtlich existierende Kommunikationsdefizite zwischen Paris, Berlin und Warschau zu reduzieren und in ausgewählten Politikbereichen als Exporteur gemeinsam erarbeiteter Ideen wirken. Hierzu sollte sich das Dreieck auf Schwerpunktthemen konzentrieren, die trilaterale Zusammenarbeit über die politische Spitzenebene hinaus ausgedehnt und 'Weimar' in den Öffentlichkeiten der drei Länder besser sichtbar gemacht werden." (Autorenreferat