The Russian Invasion in the Context of Post-Bolotnaya Authoritarian Consolidation

The Russian invasion of Ukraine came as a shock to many observers, including the author of this article. In terms of domestic political dynamics, the invasion is inscribed in - and has drastically intensified - the logic of post-Bolotnaya authoritarian consolidation, as notably seen in the performative staging of Vladimir Putin's decision to invade as a response to demands supposedly present in wider society. A key part of this is the co-optation of the Greater Russia nationalism, represented by the likes of Igor Strelkov, as a driving force behind the 2014 Russian intervention in the Donbas

The populism of the Alternative for Germany (AfD): an extended Essex School perspective

This paper seeks to draw on the tools of Ernesto Laclau’s theory of discourse, hegemony and populism as well as recent Essex School work on populism to examine the discourse of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and, in the process, come closer to a more systematic understanding of nature and limits of 'right-wing' populism as well as the interplay and distinction between populist and non-populist discursive logics more generally. The paper situates itself in the context of existing Essex School work that has distinguished populism from institutionalism - and, more recently, from nationalism - in terms of either the length of the equivalential chain or the centrality of “the people” as nodal point in addition to the degree of antagonistic division between “people” and “power.” Building on this latter strand in the recent work of Yannis Stavrakakis and others, this paper proposes a formal distinction between 'populism' and 'reductionism' as internal to Laclau’s theory of populism. Reductionism, it is argued, tends to reduce “the people” onto a differential particularity that sets 'a priori' limits on the equivalential chain as opposed to constructing it as a 'tendentially empty signifier' attached to an 'open-ended' chain - producing a tendential 'closure' of the equivalential chain and thus undercutting the primacy of the logic of equivalence that is fundamental to Laclau’s understanding of populism and subsequent Essex School applications of it. It is argued that predominantly ethno-, cultural- or nativist-reductionist discourses may nonetheless deploy a populist logic of 'partial openings' in the equivalential chain, especially through the selective equivalential incorporation of sexual or ethno-linguistic minorities against a common (often “Islamic”) constitutive outside. This is demonstrated empirically in a discourse analysis of the AfD and its development from a “competition populism” into an ethno-culturally reductionist conception of “the people” coexisting with partial openings in relation to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community and Russian-Germans in the Berlin context in particular

Between illiberalism and hyper-neoliberalism: competing populist discourses in the Czech Republic

This paper draws on Laclau’s theory of discourse, hegemony, and populism to analyse competing forms of populism in the Czech Republic within the discursive context of ‘post-November transformation’ as well as in relation to hegemonic struggles over the construction of social order. It is argued that the discourses of Public Affairs (VV), ANO, Dawn of Direct Democracy, and Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) all feature a populist opposition between the ‘people’ or ‘citizens’ on the one hand and ‘political dinosaurs’, (‘traditional’) ‘parties’, or ‘godfather party mafias’ of both ‘left’ and ‘right’ on the other, while also radicalizing in different ways the exclusionary constructions of ‘work’ in the established discourses of the Civic Democrats (ODS) and Social Democrats (ČSSD). While ANO constructs ‘hard work’ in a populist manner against the (‘traditional’) ‘parties’, VV and Dawn/SPD articulate an exclusion of non-working ‘unadaptables’ that points to a notable interplay of hyper-neoliberal welfare chauvinism and anti-minorities illiberalism

"Autonomie" Revisited: The Autonomist Crossroads in the West German Student Movement's Long March

This paper seeks to embed into a broader narrative on the political thought of the West German student movement a reading of Schmid's 1975 text in "Autonomie", which synthesized the SDS anti-authoritarians' tradition of a politicized critique of late capitalism with the autonomist impulse in Italian "operaismo". It is argued that in holding out the promise of revolutionary practice in the absence of revolutionary organization, Schmid displaced the very notion of revolutionary practice from the system to the subject level - an issue raised by Kraushaar's 1978 critique of a "ghettoized" milieu consumed by the "radicalization of its own life context". The trans-localization of the alternative milieu, particularly in the form of Green Lists and "die tageszeitung", was subsequently justified by milieu actors as a breakout from the ghetto, but would in turn undermine the milieu's autonomist foundations. Ultimately, Kraushaar's conundrum of "autonomy or ghetto" remained unresolved - reflecting the extra-parliamentary left's inability to integrate strategies of milieu and offensive into a unifying strategy, as Dutschke's 1967 essay "The Long March" had enjoined it to do; the Greens' subsequent entry into parliaments was an expression of the abandonment, not the beginning, of a "long march through the institutions"

Radical democracy and left populism after the squares: 'Social Movement' (Ukraine), Podemos (Spain), and the question of organization

This article begins with a theoretical tension. Radical democracy, in the joint work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, can be understood as a joint articulation of a post-foundational ontology of contingency and a politics of autonomy of ‘democratic struggles' within a hegemonic bloc as loci of antagonisms in their own right, while Laclau's theory of populism marks a shift from the autonomy of struggles to the representative function of the empty signifier as a constitutive dimension. This tension between a horizontal logic of autonomy and a vertical logic of representation comes to the fore not least in the manifold attempts to combine radical-democratic and (left-)populist practices in the wake of the ‘movements of the squares.’ This argument is illustrated empirically in the cases of two party projects situating themselves in contexts of social protest - 'Social Movement' in Ukraine and Podemos in Spain - both of which seek to combine a left-populist discursive strategy with some form of radical-democratic politics of autonomy, either by supporting local alliances independent from the party (Podemos) or by integrating trade union representatives into the organizational center, which in turn finds expression in a representative logic ('Social Movement')

… Because the homeland cannot be in opposition: analysing the discourses of Fidesz and Law and Justice (PiS) from opposition to power

Drawing on Ernesto Laclau's theory of discourse, hegemony, and populism, this paper analyses the development of the discourses of Fidesz in Hungary and Law and Justice (PiS) in Poland from opposition to power with a focus on how authoritarianism is articulated, especially in relation to populism. The post-foundational discourse analysis finds that populism takes on an authoritarian expression only in certain discursive combinations, mostly with nationalism, while authoritarianism follows a range of different logics (populist and non-populist alike), including nationalism and social welfarism without populism (PiS) or what Laclau refers to as institutionalism (Fidesz)

From Objectivist Bias to Positivist Bias:A Constructivist Critique of the Attitudes Approach to Populism

This article undertakes a critique of the attitudes approach to populism, predicated on survey-based operationalisations of populism as a set of attitudes. Our critique is threefold: first, the move of reducing ‘the elite’ to ‘the politicians’ in survey items – beginning with the foundational Akkerman scale – is at odds with the constructivist underpinnings of Mudde’s ideational definition that this literature largely draws on, where ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’ are understood as contingent constructions that can take on a wide range of meanings depending on the ideological permutation. Second, our corpus linguistics-based overview of empirical patterns within the ‘populist attitudes’ literature indicates a skewed focus on the far right within this literature, contrary to the ideological variability of populism following the ideational definition. Third, the reliance on public opinion surveys points to the danger of reifying public opinion and attributing objective qualities to ‘the people’ as such. In assuming categories such as ‘the elite’ to stand for determinate referents such as ‘the politicians’ in survey-based operationalisations, the positivist bias of the attitudes approach paradoxically mirrors the objectivist bias (following Sartori) of early populism research that reduced the identity of ‘the people’ in populism to determinate socio-structural categories such as the peasantry

Purification and Characterization of Proteolytic Aspartate Transcarbamoylase (ATCase) from Burkholderia cepacia 25416 and Construction of a pyrB1 Knock-out Mutant

Burkholderia cepacia is a common soil bacterium of significance in agriculture and bioremediation. B. cepacia is also an opportunistic pathogen of humans causing highly communicable pulmonary infections in cystic fibrosis and immunocompromized patients. The pyrB gene encoding ATCase was cloned and ATCase was purified by the glutathione S-transferase gene fusion system. The ATCase in B. cepacia has been previously classified as a class A enzyme by Bethell and Jones. ATCase activity gels showed that B. cepacia contained a holoenzyme pyrBC complex of 550 kDa comprised of 47 kDa pyrB and 45 kDa pyrC subunits. In the course of purifying the enzyme, trimeric subunits of 140 kDa and 120 kDa were observed as well as a unique proteolysis of the enzyme. The 47 kDa ATCase subunits were cleaved to 40 kDa proteins, which still demonstrated high activity as trimers. The proteolysis site is between Ser74 and Val75 residues. To confirm this, we converted the Ser74 residue to an Ala and to an Arg by site-directed mutagenesis. After this primary sequence changed, the proteolysis of ATCase was not observed. To further investigate the characteristics of B. cepacia pyrB gene, a pyrB knock-out (pyrB-) was constructed by in vitro mutagenesis. In the assay, the 550 kDa holoenzyme and 140 kDa and 120 kDa trimers disappeared and were replaced with a previously unseen 480 kDa holoenzyme pyrB- strain. The results suggest that B. cepacia has two genes that encode ATCase. ATC1 is constitutive and ATC2 is expressed only in the absence of ATC1 activity. To check for the virulence of these two strains, a eukaryotic model virulence test was performed using Caenorhabditis elegans (C. elegans). The pyrB1+pyrB2+ (wild type) B cepacia killed the nematode but pyrB1-pyrB2+ B. cepacia had lost its virulence against C. elegans. This suggests that ATC1 (pyrB1) is involved in virulence in B.cepacia and ATC2 (pyrB2) is not