Alien Registration- Ahern, Kenneth M. (Portland, Cumberland County)

https://digitalmaine.com/alien_docs/22141/thumbnail.jp

What explains the association between neighborhood-level income inequality and the risk of fatal overdose in New York City?

Accidental drug overdose is a substantial cause of mortality for drug users. Using a multilevel case-control study we previously have shown that neighborhood-level income inequality may be an important determinant of overdose death independent of individual-level factors. Here we hypothesized that the level of environmental disorder, the level of police activity, and the quality of the built environment in a neighborhood mediate this association. Data from the New York City (NYC) Mayor’s Management Report, the NYC Police Department, and the NYC Housing and Vacancy Survey were used to define constructs for the level of environmental disorder, the level of police activity and the quality of the built environment, respectively. In multivariable models the odds of death due to drug overdose in neighborhoods in the top decile of income inequality compared to the most equitable neighborhoods decreased from 1.63 to 1.12 when adjusting for the three potential mediators. Path analyses show that the association between income inequality and the rate of drug overdose mortality was primarily explained by an indirect effect through the level of environmental disorder and the quality of the built environment in a neighborhood. Implications of these findings for the reduction of drug overdose mortality associated with the distribution of income are discussed.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/40292/2/Nandi_What Explains the Association Between Neighborhood-Level_2006.pd

Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Overdose Mortality Trends in New York City, 1990-1998

Racial/ethnic disparities in health and disease have been present in the United States for the past century. Although differences such as individual access to health care and health-related behaviors account for some of these health disparities, it is likely that a combination of individual and contextual-level factors determine the differential rates of disease between racial/ethnic groups. We studied fatal accidental drug overdose in New York City between 1990 and 1998 to describe differences in racial/ ethnic patterns over time and to develop hypotheses about factors that might contribute to these differences. During this period, rates of overdose death were consistently higher among blacks and Latinos compared to whites. In addition, cocaine was more common among black decedents, while opiates and alcohol were more common among Latino and white decedents. Differences in situational factors, such as differential likelihood of activating emergency medical response, may in part explain the consistently higher overdose mortality rates observed among minorities. Further study to determine the individual and contextual factors that explain these observed disparities in overdose death may identify effective areas for public health intervention and provide insight into factors underlying racial/ethnic disparities in other health outcomes.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/40333/2/Galea_Racial-Ethnic Disparities in Overdose Mortality_2003.pd

Income distribution and risk of fatal drug overdose in New York City neighborhoods

Accidental drug overdose is a substantial cause of mortality for drug users. Neighborhood-level factors, such as income distribution, may be important determinants of overdose death independent of individual-level factors. We used data from the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner to identify all cases of accidental deaths in New York City (NYC) in 1996 and individual-level covariates. We used 1990 US Census data to calculate the neighborhood-level income distribution. This multi-level case /control study included 725 accidental overdose deaths (cases) and 453 accidental deaths due to other causes (controls) in 59 neighborhoods in NYC. Overdose deaths were more likely in neighborhoods with higher levels of drug use and with more unequal income distribution. In multi-level models, income maldistribution was significantly associated with risk of overdose independent of individual-level variables (age, race, and sex) and neighborhood-level variables (income, drug use, and racial composition). The odds of death due to drug overdose were 1.63 - 1.88 in neighborhoods in the least equitable decile compared with neighborhoods in the most equitable decile. Disinvestment in social and economic resources in unequal neighborhoods may explain this association. Public health interventions related to overdose risk should pay particular attention to highly unequal neighborhoods.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/40348/2/Galea_Income Distribution and Risk of Fatal Drug_2003.pd

The Economics of Debt Collection: Enforcement of Consumer Credit Contract,”

Abstract In the U.S., third-party debt collection agencies employ more than 140,000 people and recover more than $50 billion each year, mostly from consumers. Informational, legal, and other factors suggest that original creditors should have an advantage in collecting debts owed to them. Then, why does the debt collection industry exist and why is it so large? Explanations based on economies of scale or specialization cannot address many of the observed stylized facts. We develop an application of common agency theory that better explains those facts. The model explains how reliance on an unconcentrated industry of third-party debt collection agencies can implement an equilibrium with more intense collections activity than creditors would implement by themselves. We derive empirical implications for the nature of the debt collection market and the structure of the debt collection industry. A welfare analysis shows that, under certain conditions, an equilibrium in which creditors rely on third-party debt collectors can generate more credit supply and aggregate borrower surplus than an equilibrium where lenders collect debts owed to them on their own. There are, however, situations where the opposite is true. The model also suggests a number of policy instruments that may improve the functioning of the collections market

The urban built environment and overdose mortality in New York City neighborhoods

Accidental drug overdose continues to be a substantial cause of mortality for drug users. Characteristics of the neighborhood built environment may be important determinants of the likelihood of drug overdose mortality independent of individual-level factors. Using data from the New York City Office of the Chief Medical Examiner, we conducted a multilevel case control study using data on accidental overdose deaths as cases and non-overdose accidental deaths as controls. We used archival data from the New York City Housing and Vacancy Survey and the Mayor’s Office of Operations to assess characteristics of neighborhood external (e.g. dilapidation of buildings) and internal (e.g. quality of utilities in houses) built environment. Multilevel analyses were used to assess the relations between the neighborhood built environment and the likelihood of overdose death. Six out of the eight characteristics of the external environment studied and three out of the six characteristics of the internal environment studied were significantly associated with the likelihood of fatal drug overdose in multilevel models after adjusting for individuallevel (age, race, sex) and neighborhood-level (income, drug use) variables. Deterioration of the built environment, particularly the external environment, is associated with an increased likelihood of fatal accidental drug overdose. Disinvestment in social resources, psychosocial stressors, neighborhood differences in response to a witnessed overdose, and differences in vulnerability to the adverse consequences of drug use in different neighborhoods may explain the observed associations.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/40318/2/Hembree_The Urban Built Environment and Overdose_2005.PD

Has the Push for Equal Gender Representation Changed the Role of Women on German Supervisory Boards?

In Germany, an intensive public debate about increasing female participation in leadership positions started in 2009 and proceeded until the beginning of 2015, when the German parliament enacted a board gender quota. In that period, the share of women on supervisory boards for 111 German publicly listed and fully codetermined companies (i.e. those which are affected by the quota law) more than doubled from 10.6 percent in 2009 to 22.6 percent in 2015. In 2016, the first year when the law was effective, the female share increased again by 4.5 percentage points. Using a hand-collected dataset, we investigate whether the rise in female board representation was accompanied by a change in gender differences in board member characteristics and board involvement. We do not find evidence for the "Golden Skirts" phenomenon, i.e., the rise in the female share was not achieved via a few female directors holding multiple board memberships. After controlling for firm heterogeneity, the remuneration of female shareholder (employee) representatives is about 16 (9) percent lower than for males. We interpret this as an overall indication that women are not only underrepresented in German supervisory boards, they are even more underrepresented in important board positions. Indeed, women are less likely to become a chairman and are less often assigned to board committees (except for the nominating committee). Moreover, in 2016 the disadvantage of women (as compared to men) to obtain a committee membership is even larger than in 2009

Before 5 Family Centre and Community Academic Research Links, UCC

Before 5 were interested in exploring the current relevance of their service to families and community members in Churchfield, and to plan the future direction of their work. Before 5 wanted to create an exploratory space to collaborate with past and current users of their service to: a) discuss what the Before 5 service has contributed to Churchfield; b) to reimagine Before 5’s place and mission within the community; c) to generate new ideas for strengthening the services of Before 5, and d) to create a strong, active community of local past and current members interested in pursuing new ideas. This report is a short summary of the participatory research scoping and research design process that occurred throughout this partnership. Ethical approval was provided by the Social Research Ethics Committee at University College Cork