WP 7 - Teleworking policies of organisations - The Dutch experience

The over-all picture concerning the diffusion of telework stemming from research undertaken in 2000 and 2001 is rather negative. Teleworking policies of organisations hardly go beyond the minimal definition that we used in analyzing Dutch surveys from these years (organisations offering the opportunity for teleworking and, if they were asked for, paid for the necessary facilities). The conclusion is not exaggerated that a large majority of Dutch organisations are playing a waiting game on teleworking, even in sectors where jobs show a rather high ‘teleworkability’. The few exceptions (Interpolis, TNO Arbeid), mainly seizing the opportunities of building new offices or relocate their businesses, to combine flexible offices with teleworking policies, soon get nation-wide attention. Meanwhile, various surveys indicate a further growth of telework in the Netherlands in the 1999-2001 period, although this expansion seems to concentrate on multi-site telework by mainly self-employed – largely a ‘new economy’ phenomenon (Van Klaveren and Van de Westelaken, 2001). In this country, teleworking is apparently spreading rather informally and implicitly, leaving a wide gap between the policies of organisations and the preferences of many workers.

WP 110 - Over- and underqualifi ction of migrant workers. Evidence from WageIndicator survey data

Are overeducation and undereducation more common for migrants compared to domestic workers? If so, is overeducation and undereducation similar across migrants from various home countries and across various host countries? This paper aims at unravelling the incidence of skill mismatch of domestic and migrant workers employed in 13 countries of the European Union, namely Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Italy, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Here migrants are defined as workers not born in the country where they are currently living. They originate from more than 200 countries, thereby reflecting a heterogeneous group, ranging from migrants for economic reasons and refugees, to expats, intercultural married, and others. Concerning overeducation, most of the literature points to explanations related to job allocation frictions. The theoretical explanations for overeducation all refer to job allocation frictions. They apply to workers in general at first job entry, to particular groups of workers at fi rst job entry such as re-entering housewives or workers who have experienced unemployment spells and involuntary quits, to workers accepting a lower-level job if the probability of promotion is higher, to imperfect information from the employer’s side associated with a lack of transparency of diplomas or of transferability of credentials, to poor abilities of individual workers, and to labour market discrimination. Six hypothesis have been drafted for empirical testing. One hypothesis has been made for undereducation. This is assumed to be the case for workers with higher abilities, here defined as workers in supervisory positions. This paper builds on statistical analyses of the data of the large _WageIndicator_ web-survey about work and wages, posted at all national _WageIndicator_ websites and comparable across all countries. Using the pooled annual data of the years 2005-20010, we used 291,699 observations in the analysis. The large sample size allows a break-down of migrant groups according to country of birth in order to better capture the heterogeneity of migrants. Logit analyses have been used to estimate the likelihood of being overqualified compared to having a correct match or being underqualified. Similar estimations have been made for underqualification compared to having a correct match or being overqualified. One of five workers asseses to be overqualified (20%). When comparing the domestic and migrant workers, overqualification occurs less often among domestic workers than among migrant workers (19% versus 24%). The analyses show that overeducation occurs indeed more often among migrant workers. Yet, the analyses also reveals that the overeducation occurs substantially more often in the old EU member states compared to newly accessed EU member states, regardless being a domestic worker or a migrant. The model shows that the heterogeneity of the migrant groups should be taken into account. Of all migrant and domestic groups, the odds ratio of being overqualified is highest for migrants working in EU15 and born in EU12. The odds ratio decreases for the migrants from USA, Canada and Australia. The odds ratio of being overeducated increases with educational attainment. It decreases with hierarchical level within the occupation, with the the corporate hierarchical levels, and with the skill level of the job. The hypothesis regarding job allocation frictions are confirmed. The odds ratios of being overqualified increase for recent labour market entrants, for workers with an employment spell, for female workers, for migrants who arrived at an adult age thus challenging the transparency of credetials in the host country, and for for 1st and 2nd generation migrants and ethnic minorities thus challenging discrimination in the labour market. No support was found for the hypothesis that workers with presumably poor language abilities are more likely to be overeducated. Concerning undereducation, the analyses confirm that having a supervisory position increases the odds ratio of being underqualified. This suggest that underqualified workers with higher capabilities provide internal career ladders. This study in part confirms the existing literature, in particular the job allocation frictions for the entire labour market. It expands existing empirical findings concerning the reasons why migrants are more likely to be overeducted.

WP 85 - Multinationals versus domestic firms: Wages, working hours and industrial relations

This Working Paper aims to present and discuss recent evidence on the effect of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) on wages, working conditions and industrial relations. It presents a. an overview of the available literature on the effects of FDI on wages, particularly in developed countries; b. the outcomes of own research comparing wages, working conditions and workplace industrial relations in Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) versus non-MNEs or domestic fi rms. These outcomes include seven EU member states: Belgium, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, and the United Kingdom, and fi ve industries: metal and electronics manufacturing; retail; fi nance and call centres; information and communication technology (ICT), and transport and telecom. The data stem from the continuous WageIndicator web-survey, combined with company data from the AIAS MNE Database. The analysis took place in the framework of the socalled WIBAR-2 project, funded by the European Commission under the Industrial Relations and Social Dialogue Program (VS/2007/0534, December 2007-November 2008). The project was led by the AIAS, with the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC); the European Metalworkers’ Federation (EMF); Ruskin College (Oxford); WSI im Hans-Böckler-Stiftung (Düsseldorf), and the WageIndicator Foundation as partners. Both from others’ and our own evidence, the picture emerged that the wage advantages emanating from working in an MNE in Northwestern Europe recently have become rather small, with our evidence for Germany, where we found considerable MNE wage premia, as the exception. In the majority of Polish and Spanish subsidiaries of MNEs these premia were still considerable. By contrast, in the retail trade and in transport and telecom MNEs seemed to exert outright wage pressure in some countries. Besides pay, workers mostly perceived advantages in working in an MNE where these were to be expected, in training and internal promotion, but also –rather unexpectedly-- in workplace industrial relations. Here, on all three yardsticks used (union density, collective bargaining coverage and the incidence of workplace employee representation) MNEs scored higher than domestic fi rms. MNEs scored less favourably on overtime compensation, working hours, and experienced and expected reorganisations. Where MNE wage premia show up, they have much in common with ‘effi ciency wages’, meant to buy higher productivity and extra commitment from (skilled) workers.

WP 2 - Substitution or segregation: explaining the gender composition in Dutch manufacturing industry 1899-1998

This paper focuses on the role of substitution or segregation in the demand for female labour. Based on an extensive overview of detailed studies, fluctuations in the gender composition of the labour force in four major sectors of Dutch manufacturing industry have been examined over the past hundred years. Women’s share in employment has been stable in clothing industry, fluctuated in textiles, increased in food production and decreased in Philips Electronics. Changes in the share of women were primarily explained by segregation that is by fluctuations in employment in the male respectively female domains. Only few examples of substitution were traced, primarily driven by labour market shortages, but the numbers of workers involved were small. Overwhelmingly, employers preferred to act within gender boundaries.

WP 114 - De loonkloof tussen mannen en vrouwen. Een review van het onderzoek in Nederland

Dit artikel bespreekt 20 studies over het beloningsverschil tussen mannen en vrouwen in Nederland, waarbij de invloed van negen groepen van factoren is bekeken: menselijk kapitaal, sector, functieclassificatie, functieniveau, glazen plafond, bedrijfsgrootte, arbeidsduur, sexe-compositie van beroep, gezinssituatie en loopbaanonderbreking. Het effect van sector is alleen op geaggregeerd niveau onderzocht, en dan is het voor vrouwen voordeliger om in de collectieve sector te werken. Vallen onder een CAO heeft nauwelijks invloed op het beloningsverschil. Werken in deeltijd is nadeliger voor mannen dan voor vrouwen. Werken in een bedrijf met salarisschalen en functieclassificatie is nadelig voor mannen, niet voor vrouwen. Werken op een hoger functieniveau is voordeliger voor mannen dan voor vrouwen, evenals werken in hogere strata van de loondistributie. Vooral de effecten van beroepensegregatie en van gezinsuitbreiding en loopbaanonderbreking zijn voor vrouwen nadelig. _Summary_ _This article examines 20 studies on the remuneration of men and women in the Netherlands, where the influence of nine groups of factors was viewed: human capital, industry, job classification, job level, glass ceiling, firm size, working hours, gender-composition of occupation, and family building and career breaks. The effect of industry has only been investigated at the aggregate level, and turns out to be advantageous for women in the public industry. Collective agreement coverage has little impact on remuneration. Part-time jobs are worse for men than for women. Working in a company with salary scales or job classification is bad for men, not for women. Working in the higher income brackets is more advantageous for men compared to women, as well as working in higher strata of the wage distribution. The effects of occupational segregation and of family and career breaks are disadvantageous for women._

WP 19 - Een onderzoek naar CAO-afspraken op basis van de FNV CAO-databank en de AWVN-database

De sociale partners AWVN en FNV hebben elke een CAO-database voor hun arbeidsvoorwaar-denbeleid en dienstverlening aan leden. De AWVN registreert de principe-akkoorden van 606 CAO’s. De FNV heeft de FNV cao-databank met 723 lopende CAO’s (ingangsdatum na 1/1/2000). Om voor de eigen beleidsvorming op het terrein van arbeidsvoorwaarden optimaal van deze gegevens te profiteren, zijn AWVN en FNV overeengekomen het potentiële gebruik van hun respectievelijke databestanden op 15 onderwerpen te vergelijken: kinderopvang, arbeidsduur, arbo-preventie, werkdruk, VUT-/pensioenleeftijd, ziekteverzuim, arbeidsmarktprojecten, doelgroepen, seniorendagen, opleiding, verlofvormen, sexuele intimidatie, CAO a la carte, gelaagde CAO en tenslotte faciliteiten vakbondswerk. Een inhoudelijke vergelijking bleek niet mogelijk, omdat de FNV zo veel mogelijk afspraken per CAO registreert, terwijl de AWVN veranderingen registreert op basis van principeakkoorden. Met de FNV cao-databank kunnen vragen beantwoord worden als: in hoeveel CAO’s is een 36-urige werkweek afgesproken? En met het AWVN-bestand: zijn in het CAO-seizoen 2003 veel nieuwe afspraken gemaakt over verkorting van de arbeidsduur tot 36 uur? De FNV cao-databank tracht aan het doel van een zo breed en grondig mogelijke registratie van CAO-afspraken te beantwoorden, terwijl de AWVN-database is gericht op het monitoren van de dynamiek in de cao-ontwikkeling. De bestanden zijn aanvullend en niet overlappend.

WP 96 - An overview of women's work and employment in Belarus

*Management Summary* This report provides information on Belarus on behalf of the implementation of the DECISIONS FOR LIFE project in that country. The DECISIONS FOR LIFE project aims to raise awareness amongst young female workers about their employment opportunities and career possibilities, family building and the work-family balance. This report is part of the Inventories, to be made by the University of Amsterdam, for all 14 countries involved. It focuses on a gender analysis of work and employment. History (2.1.1). Belarus, severely hit by the German occupation, after the second 1945 emerged as emerged as one of the major manufacturing centres of the Soviet. It suffered heavily from the Chernobyl disaster. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, from 1994 on under president Lukashenko the country kept a command economy, though central planning disappeared. Its growth rates have been considerably throughout the 2000s, though the economy continues to be dependent on heavy discounts in oil and natural gas prices from Russia. Governance (2.1.2). Belarus is a republic with power concentrated in the presidency. The government’s human rights record remains very poor. The judiciary is not independent. Corruption continued to be a problem. Authorities harassed independent trade unions and dismissed their members. Women’s participation in politics and governance is low, except for the Chamber of Representatives. The law protects women well within the family context and protects the physical integrity of women to a relatively high degree. Prospects (2.1.3). Belarus’s economy has been moderately hit by the global economic crisis. The government had to accept loans from the IMF, Russia and China. It undertook some steps to open up the country for foreign investors. In 2009, the country’s GDP fell slightly and real wages by 1 to 5%. Energy-intensive and inefficient production may become the largest hindrance for recovery. Communication (2.2). The coverage of fixed telephone connections has recently increased, but coverage of cellular telephone connections is with over 0.9 cell phones per inhabitant much higher. By 2008, the share Internet users was with 321 per 1,000 of the population rather high, but the government is growingly restricting access to the Internet. Nearly all households have a TV set. The government censored the media and repeatedly harassed and arrested independent journalists The sectoral labour market structure (2.3.1). The sectoral labour market structure is difficult to trace. State employees constitute about 80% of the working population. With nearly 68%, women’s Labour Participation Rate (LPR) in 2008 was 91% of men’s. Official unemployment is low and decreasing, in particular for women. Since 1995, considerable wage increases have been allowed in Belarus, largely outpacing increases in labour productivity. Legislation (2.4.1). Belarus has ratified the eight core ILO Labour Conventions. Yet, the Trade Union Law 2000 and presidential decrees contain serious violations of trade union rights. Specific regulations and benefits for women, including maternity benefits and paid leave on childcare, are comparatively good. Labour relations and wage-setting (2.4.2). The independent trade union movement in Belarus is small. The law provides for the right to organize and bargain collectively; however, government authorities and managers of state-owned enterprises routinely interfered with union activities. ILO recommendations to improve the situation are not acted upon. The statutory minimum wage (2.5.1). In December 2009 the monthly minimum wage, set by law, was BYR 229,700, or 23% of the country’s average monthly wage. Inequality and poverty (2.5.2). Directly after independence, inequality and poverty started to increase, but since 2000 the share under the official poverty line fell rapidly till 6% in 2007. However, this poverty line is set quite low, and depending on other yardsticks poverty in 2007 is estimated at 13 to 43%. Income inequality developed simultaneously with poverty, and is currently at low-to-medium level in international perspective. Population and fertility (2.6.1). Since the 1980s Belarus is in a demographic crisis, with reduced fertility rates and high death. Between 1999 and 2009 the population decreased by over 6%. The total fertility rate, less than 1.3 children per woman, is quite low; the adolescent fertility rate is with 22 per 1,000 low. Health (2.6.2). In 2007 there were an estimated 13,000 persons with HIV/AIDS in Belarus, which is below the regional level. The levels of public awareness of HIV/AIDS seem rather low. The life expectancy at birth for women is recently increasing. The Belarusian health care system aims to provide the entire population with universal access to care and health care benefits are extensive. Women’s labour market share (2.6.3). Women make up half of the country’s labour force. In 2009 women made up majorities in wholesale and retail, restaurants and hotels, education, and public administration et cetera, and in the occupational groups professionals and clerks. At the level of legislators, senior officials and managers, the female share of 45% is high in international perspective. Literacy (2.7.1). The adult literacy rate –-those age 15 and over that can read and write—in 1999-2006 was 98.9%, with hardly a gender gap: 99.0% for men and 98.8% for women. In 2007 the literacy rate for 15-24-year-olds stood at 99.8% for females and 99.7% for males. Education of girls (2.7.2). In 2006, the combined gross enrollment rate in education was nearly 100%, divided in 99% for females and 100% for males. Net enrollment in primary education was for 2005 set at 87.9% for girls and 90.8% for boys. In 2007 women to men parity in secondary education was 102%. With 45% gross enrollment in tertiary education in 2007 and women to men parity reaching 141%, women’s participation at this level of education is high. Female skill levels (2.7.3). Women in the employed population have on average a slightly higher educational level than their male colleagues. More women employed are educated at tertiary level, with women to parity at 118%. We estimate the current size of the target group of DECISIONS FOR LIFE for Ukraine at about 95,000 girls and young women 15-29 of age working in urban areas in (the Belarusian equivalent of) commercial services. Wages (2.8.1). We found for 2008 a considerable gender pay gap, totaling 25%. The pay gap seems to have grown in particular between 1996 and 2004. Women in Belarus have profited considerably less than men from their better education. Moreover, horizontal segregation has taken place with women leaving well-paid sub-sectors of manufacturing like the ICT sector , while many of them entered low-wage jobs like in education and health. The “glass ceiling“ obviously widely remains in place. Working conditions (2.8.2). Especially men in heavy manufacturing still seem often exposed to bad health and safety conditions, though the incidence of reported occupational injuries and casualities is rapidly decreasing. Unfortunately, working hours cannot be detailed by industry and gender.

WP 80 - An overview of women’s work and employment in Zambia

*Management Summary* This report provides information on Zambia on behalf of the implementation of the DECISIONS FOR LIFE project in that country. The DECISIONS FOR LIFE project aims to raise awareness amongst young female workers about their employment opportunities and career possibilities, family building and the work-family balance. This report is part of the Inventories, to be made by the University of Amsterdam, for all 14 countries involved. It focuses on a gender analysis of work and employment. History (2.1.1). After Zambia gained its independence from the United Kingdom in 1964, the Kaunda administration moved towards a one-party system and central planning. With falling copper prices and poor management, and the country’s GDP per capita continuing to fall, in 1991 a multi-party democracy was installed and Kaunda had to retreat. In the 1990s, liberalization and privatisation did not spur economic growth, while corruption grew. In the 2000s Zambia experienced strong growth, though the country remains one of the world’s poorest. Governance (2.1.2). Since 1991 Zambia’s political record has been rather stable. Its human rights record, by contrast, remains rather poor. Especially women and children trafficking is a major problem. The participation of Zambian women in politics is quite limited. Also, they have very limited rights in relation to family matters, including issues related to land ownership. Prospects (2.1.3). Recently Zambia has been confronted with the negative effects of lowering copper prices and with a grave electricity situation. The country may escape the worst effects of the current economic and financial crisis because of its limited integration in the global financial system, though the negative effects on women may be relatively large where their future depends on access to finance. Communication (2.2). Over 2.6 million cell phones are already in use, one to each five Zambians. Internet coverage is still low, with in 2007 about 4% of the population as users. Radio is the most utilized medium. Women constitute only one of six news sources. The sectoral labour market structure (2.3). In 2005, women made up 46% of the total labour force; 49% of those in informal labour, and 137,000 or 27% of those in formal employment. 78% of the economically active women worked in agriculture. The share of women in wage employment in the non-agricultural sector was 28%. Unemployment is mainly caused by an absolute lack of jobs, and is especially high among the young. In 2005, unemployment among girls and young women aged 15-29 in urban areas was 41%. Legislation (2.4.1). Zambia has ratified the core ILO Labour Conventions, but procedural requirements frustrate holding legal strikes. Also, women remain severely disadvantaged in employment and education, notably the overwhelming majority working in the informal economy. Labour relations (2.4.2). Union strength has been weakened over the years. 2006 estimates point at a union density of 60 to 66% in the formal economy, or about 10% of the total labour force. Two union confederations are in place, ZCTU and the much smaller FFTUZ. The statutory minimum wage (2.5.1). Though many advocate a rise of the current statutory minimum wage (SMW), pointing at the rising costs of living, with Kwacha 268,000 per month the SMW is still at the level set in May 2006. By then, that level varied from 21 to 91% of monthly average earnings in the main industries. Half a year before setting the SMW rate, 35% of paid employees earned less than that rate. Poverty (2.5.2). For 2004-05, it has been estimated that 82% of the population lived under the poverty line of USD 2 per day. Since 1993, the share of the extremely poor has decreased. Yet, especially in rural areas the poverty pattern continues to be detrimental for the future of women and girls. Population and fertility (2.6.1). Population growth has been falling recently, from an average 2.4% in 2000-’07 to an expected 1.9% in 2005-’15. With 6.2 children per women, the total fertility rate remains very high, as does (with 146 per 1,000) the adolescent fertility rate. HIV/AIDS (2.6.2). In 2007, over 1.1 million Zambians lived with HIV, and the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate for those aged 15-49 was estimated at 14%. For women aged 30-39 years the rate was even about 25%. Yet, HIV prevalence among the 15-24 of age is reported to decrease. Official policies stress that the spread of HIV/AIDS is related to domestic violence and poor empowerment of women. Women’s labour market share (2.6.3). The labour partication rate of the 15-64 of age overall is 71%, but only 61% for women. With just over 50%, the 2005 women’s share in employment was highest in agriculture, followed by restaurants and hotels (49%), community, social and personal services (48%), and commerce (45%). Agriculture (2.6.4). The perspectives for agricultural growth are rather bleak. The most female-intensive sub-sectors are also the least skill-intensive. Thus, young women living in urban areas and trying to make a career cannot rely on a “fall-back scenario” in which they can go back to their families living from agriculture. Mining and manufacturing (2.6.5). Trade liberalisation of the 1990s has been disastrous for indigeneous manufacturing industries such as textiles and clothing, and thus notably for females. The competitive position of domestic-owned, small-scale manufacturing remains very weak. Commerce (2.6.6). 95-97% of all women working in commerce did so in the informal sector. In 2005 women made up a minority in all sales jobs, but took half of all high-skilled jobs in commerce. Supermarkets are only a quite limited source of employment for women. Services (2.6.7). Women constitute nearly half of the labour force in commercial services. In 2005 nearly one third could be found in formal employment. Tourism is an expanding source of employment, but the development of international call centres does not seem to take off. Government (2.6.8). The public sector has traditionally been a male stronghold, and still only about one quarter of public servants is female. The public sector seems to have lost its wage premium, especially for the high-skilled. Literacy (2.7.1). The adult literacy rate –those age 15 and over that can read and write—was in 1995-2005 68%. As the female rate was only 60%, a substantial gender gap remains. Recently this gender gap widens, in general as well as among the 15-24 year-olds. Education of girls and young women (2.7.2). For 2007, the net enrollment rate in primary education was over 95%, with girls 1%point higher than boys, but the primary completion rate of girls was 11%points lower: girls make up for the large majority of early school-leavers. With 26% in 2005, the net enrollment rate in secondary education was rather low, with 23.5% notably for girls. Recently in most categories of technical vocational training women outnumbered men, but in regular tertiary education there were twice as many male students Female skill levels (2.7.3). In 2005 64% of the economically active Zambian women were unskilled, nearly 33% had at least completed lower secondary education (skilled), and 66,000 or 3.6% had completed tertiairy education (high-skilled). We estimate the current size of our target group at about 106,000 girls and young women 15-29 of age working in urban areas in commercial services, of which only 20,000 in formal employment. Wages (2.8.1). Earnings vary widely between industries, occupational groups, and urban and rural areas. Earnings of women in formal employment in finance etc. and in community, social and personal services are about four times those in trade etc. and in hotels and restaurants. Education may explain part of the gender pay gap, but discrimination is another factor. Calculated on an hourly earnings basis, the countrywide gender pay gap in 2005 was 45%, and for paid employees 13%. In restaurants and hotels, transport etc., finance etc. and community and other services, the gap was below 20%, but in trade etc. it was 44%. Working conditions (2.8.2). Average working weeks turn out to be quite long in Zambia, for women especially in restaurants and hotels, transport etc., finance etc., and trade etc., in urban areas, and among paid employees and high-skilled. In 2005, about one of five of the employed reported illness (excluding HIV/AIDS), as did a slightly higher share on injury. Workers aged 15-29 reported comparatively much skin problems as well as wounds and deep cuts.

WP 97 - An overview of women's work and employment in Zimbabwe

This report provides information on Zimbabwe on behalf of the implementation of the DECISIONS FOR LIFE project in that country. The DECISIONS FOR LIFE project aims to raise awareness amongst young female workers about their employment opportunities and career possibilities, family building and the work-family balance. This report is part of the Inventories, to be made by the University of Amsterdam, for all 14 countries involved. It focuses on a gender analysis of work and employment. History (2.1.1). After independence in 1980, initially the government invested in education and health. Soon, tensions between ZANU and ZAPU led to violence, ending by the formation of ZANU-PF, led by Robert Mugabe. His government growingly took refuge to violation of human and trade union rights. The creation of MDC as an opposition party, in 1999, was obviously a catalyst for the country’s most violent decade in which Mugabe and his cronies tried to retain power by all means. As a result, large parts of the economy have been destroyed and repeatedly a majority of the population of the once prosperous country has to rely on food aid. In 2008, a Global Political Agreement has been reached, which since 2009 is implemented by a government of national unity (GNU). Governance (2.1.2). Zimbabwe is a republic. In 2009 militia and “war veterans” trained by ZANU-PF continued to harass and intimidate members of the opposition, trade unions, and others. Corruption is widespread. Female participation in politics is low but growing. The life of rural women is dominated by traditional practices, which grant very few rights to women. There is no specifi c legislation against domestic violence. Women encounter signifi cant discrimination in ownership rights. Prospects (2.1.3). The 2009-10 economic recovery remains fragile and depends on the containment of political violence. It can be questioned whether the GNU is able to protect in particular ZCTU trade unionists adequately, though there are hopeful signs as well. Communication (2.2). The number of cell phones in use has grown to 138 per 1,000 of the population in 2008. By that year, there were 119 Internet users per 1,000. Freedom of speech and of press remain limited, though in May 2010 some openings were visible. As the Internet has remained unrestricted, many Zimbabweans use to this medium to access independent news. The sectoral labour market structure – Formal and informal employment (2.3.1). With an economy in disarray, reliable labour market statistics are lacking. Formal employment likely has decreased between 1999-2009 from 1.3 to 0.6 million. 80-94% of the working age population may have only work from which they derive an income for a few hours per day or even per week. The sectoral labour market structure – Migration (2.3.2) Recently about four million Zimbabweans are estimated to live abroad with the majority leaving in the past 5-6 years, mainly in search of basic food and health care. Many migrated to South Africa, among which 40-50% women. They are highly vulnerable to exploitation. Legislation (2.4.1). Zimbabwe has ratifi ed the eight core ILO Labour Conventions. Yet, an ILO Commission of Inquiry in 2009 concluded to systematic, and even systemic, violation of the Conventions. Mechanisms for organising legal strikes are extremely complicated. Labour relations and wage-setting (2.4.2). In spite of continuous harassment and intimidation of offi cers and members, the ZCTU organises over 40% of the formal employed. 70% of the about 3 million-strong workforce of the informal sector is member of the ZCIEA, created by the ZCTU. The statutory minimum wage (2.5.1). In November 2009 there were 28 sectoral minimum wages, varying from USD 30 to 391 per month. All remained below the offi cial poverty line of USD 552 in 2009. Poverty (2.5.2). After independence poverty fi rst diminished, but from the early 1990s on rose till in the 2000s over 80% lived below the national poverty threshold as well as below the international USD 2 per day poverty line. Poverty has been concentrated in the rural areas and has been feminized. Recent estimates conclude to more than 85% living below the national poverty line, meaning that 10 million or more Zimbabweans live in desperate poverty. In the course of the 2000s, large parts of the population had to take refuge to remittances from migrants. Population and fertility (2.6.1). From 2002-2008, due to both the HIV/AIDS pandemic and migration population has decreased slowly, a decrease most likely speeding up in 2009 and early 2010. The total fertility rate is about 3.7 children per woman. The adolescent fertility rate is with 101 per 1,000 rather high; early marriage is widespread. With on average 45 years (44 years for women), life expectancy at birth is one of the world’s lowest. Health (2.6.2). In 2007 there were an estimated 1.2-1.4 million suffering from HIV/AIDS in Zimbabwe. Since 2001 there is a downward trend in the HIV prevalence rate due to a combination of high mortality and changes in sexual behaviour. The country has over 1.3 million orphans of which one million orphaned by AIDS. AIDS-related illness and death are acutely threatening the viability of many households. In the last decade the health infrastructure has collapsed, and the vulnerability for epidemics like cholera increased. Women’s labour market share (2.6.3). Around 2000, women made up nearly half of the country’s labour force, with majorities in agriculture, services and government. Among paid employees the female shares were much lower. These shares were also comparatively low in the higher-ranked and administrative occupations. Literacy (2.7.1). The adult literacy rate –-those age 15 and over that can read and write—in 1999-2006 was 90.7%: 93.7% for men and 87.6% for women. In 2007 the literacy rate for 15-24-year-olds stood at 98.3%: 97.9% for young men and an even higher 98.7% for young women. Education of girls (2.7.2). Though in the early 2000s enrollment in education was rather high, enrollment rates at all levels have fallen considerably due to internal displacement, emigration of teachers, and sheer poverty. Girls are more likely than boys to leave or not begin school. Most recemtly access to public education seems to improve. Female skill levels (2.7.3). A rough indication is that about 60% of women in the current labour force may be called unskilled, 37.5% skilled and 2.5% highly skilled. We estimate the current size of the target group of DECISIONS FOR LIFE for Zimbabwe at about 35,000 girls and young women 15-29 of age working in urban areas in commercial services. If the country’s recovery takes off rather succesfully, another 60-70,000 may be added in the next fi ve years. Wages (2.8.1). Older wage data suggests a rather large wage dispersion across industries, with low wage rates for occupations with a high share of women, pointing at a considerable gender pay gap. Working conditions (2.8.2). Older data indicates small gender differences in hours worked, with on average long hours for paid employees. Most likely current overall patterns are more like those of the self-employed, working shorter and irregular hours.

WP 81 - An overview of women’s work and employment in Botswana

*Management Summary* This report provides information on Botswana on behalf of the implementation of the DECISIONS FOR LIFE project in that country. The DECISIONS FOR LIFE project aims to raise awareness amongst young female workers about their employment opportunities and career possibilities, family building and the work-family balance. This report is part of the Inventories, to be made by the University of Amsterdam, for all 14 countries involved. It focuses on a gender analysis of work and employment. History (2.1.1). Shortly after impoverished Botswana gained independence in 1966, the discovery of rich deposits of diamonds transformed its prospects radically. A market economy combined with state investment in infrastructure, health and education led between 1966-2000 to an average per capita GDP growth of nearly 7%, followed by fluctuating growth. Yet, income inequality is high and rising. Governance (2.1.2). Botswana has been praised as a rather unique example of an enduring multi-party democracy with a record of sound economic management. It has voluntarily abandoned foreign aid. The representation of women in politics is remarkably weak, with after the 2009 general elections only four women (6.5%) in parliament. Violence against women seems widespread. Prospects (2.1.3). Botswana may be able counteract effects of the current economic and financial crisis to some extent through its cautious financial policies and low external debt, but the worldwide slump in the demand for diamonds may have serious consequences. Communication (2.2). Over four of each five inhabitants are cell phone users. Internet coverage is still low, with in 2007 about 5% of the population as users.TV and radio have considerable coverage. The sectoral labour market structure (2.3). In 2005-06, 25% of all 257,000 employed women worked in agriculture, against 64% in services, broadly defined. About 39% worked in the informal sector. Female unemployment is higher than male, and stood in 2006 narrowly defined at nearly 20% and broadly defined at 38%. We calculated that narrowly defined 31% and broadly defined 48% of girls and women 15-29 of age living in urban areas were unemployed. Legislation (2.4.1). Botswana has ratified the core ILO Labour Conventions, but in practice the right of association is quite restricted. Effecting the right to strike is nearly impossible. Many employers still trample workers’ rights, and the government is either unable or unwilling to confront them. Labour relations and wage-setting (2.4.2). The union movement is rather weak, and unions mostly small. 2008 estimates point at a union density of 20% in the formal economy, or 10% of the total labour force. Actually BFTU is the only union confederation, with a separate public sector federation being set up. Collective bargaining coverage is formally 98%, but employers unilaterally decide the content of most collective agreements. Government and employers’ policies of wage restraint led to real wage growth during 1980-2003 being on average less than 1.3% yearly, and in the 2000s even negative. The statutory minimum wage (2.5.1). The current statutory minimum wage (SMW) is, with Pula 2.10 – 3.80 hourly, set in April 2008. It does not provide a decent standard of living for workers and their families, and was only about 20% of the 2008 average wage in the formal sector. Poverty (2.5.2). By 2002-03, 30% of the population lived below a national poverty line. Nearly two of three poor were rural, and most of them were women. In many ways female-headed households prove to be vulnerable, in rural but also in urban areas. Population and fertility (2.6.1). Population growth has been falling, most likely to an expected 1.2% yearly in 2005-’15, with even a fall of the rural population. With 3.2 children per woman, the actual total fertility rate is still rather high, but (with 51 per 1,000) the adolescent fertility rate is quite low. Mainly because of the effects of HIV/AIDS life expectancy is continuously decreasing. HIV/AIDS (2.6.2). Botswana has the second highest HIV/AIDS infection rate in the world. In 2007, 300,000 inhabitants lived with HIV, and the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate for those aged 15-49 was estimated at 23%. Incidence and consequences of HIV/AIDS are biased against women. In recent years, HIV infection levels among pregnant women attending antenatal clinics in Botswana are decreasing. Women’s labour market share (2.6.3). In 2008, women’s overall share in paid employment was 41%, and highest in health and social work (65%), followed by other community services and finance (both 62%). 84% of all women in paid employment worked in services, broadly defined. Agriculture (2.6.4). Long-term productivity growth in agriculture has been less than 2% yearly. Agricultural development programmes have left highly unequal ownership relations intact. Thus, young women living in urban areas and trying to make a career cannot rely on a “fall-back scenario” in which they can go back to their families living from agriculture. Mining and manufacturing (2.6.5). Besides flourishing mining, manufacturing exports –notably of textiles-- encounter large problems, and the perspectives of manufacturing in Botswana remain quite insecure. Commerce (2.6.6). The wholesale and retail sector turns out to be a stable grower. In the sector at large, 45% of the workforce operated informally, in majority women. Supermarkets seem to remain a limited source of employment for women. Services (2.6.7). Transport /distribution and tourism (hotels and catering) seems to have the best employment perspectives. Expansion perspectives for the finance sector seem insecure in view of the current crisis. Government (2.6.8). Government is an attractive employer for (young) women, with comparatively high salaries, quite some high-level jobs, and employment stability. Local government jobs may be of particular interest for women in urban villages and rural areas. Literacy (2.7.1). The adult literacy rate --those age 15 and over that can read and write—was in 1995-2005 82%, and for females a fraction higher. Recently the youth literacy rate was 10%points higher, and even over 95% for females aged 15-24 years. Education of girls and young women (2.7.2). In 2005, the net enrollment rate in primary education was 84%, with girls 3%points higher than boys, while the primary completion rate of girls was over 7%points higher. With notably 69% for girls in 2009, actual enrollment in secondary education is high. In regular tertiary education by 2009 female participation lagged nearly 20% behind that of men. Female skill levels (2.7.3). In 2006, less than 12% of economically active Botswana women were unskilled, and 60% had completed second level second stage education. About 10,000 or 3.2% had completed tertiary education (high-skilled). We estimate the current size of our target group at about 14,000 girls and young women 15-29 of age, working in urban areas in commercial services in formal employment. Wages (2.8.1). Earnings vary widely between industries, occupational groups, urban and rural areas, and citizens and non-citizens. In 2005-06, the country’s total gender pay gap was 19%, but industries with large shares of females showed gaps of over 30%, also if considerable parts of women were (high-)skilled. Among professionals and technicians / associate professionals women on average had a wage advantage, as well as in central government. However, in private business women experienced a 37% pay gap. Working conditions (2.8.2). Working weeks turn out to be quite long in Botswana, judged by the share working usually 45 hours or more. For women, this share was over 60% in restaurants and hotels, wholesale and retail, and private households, in rural areas, among legislators and managers and among service workers.