993 research outputs found
Feeding management program with cerebral palsied children using a Neurodevelopmental Treatment approach.
Guilt, daily life, and love : AIDS narratives in the time of triple therapies
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the portrayal of triple therapy (a combination of three antiviral drugs proposed at the Vancouver International AIDS Conference in 1996) in three literary texts belonging to the Latin American HIV-positive corpus. Our aim is to track the changes in relation to previous AIDS narratives in three areas: feelings of guilt, everyday life and the search for love/eroticism. The selected corpus consists on the autobiography Un año sin amor. Diario del sida (1998) by the Argentine author Pablo Pérez, the novel La promesante (2001) by the Nicaraguan writer Rosario Aguilar and the chronicle Vivir con virus. Relatos de la vida cotidiana (2004) by the Argentine journalist Marta Dillon
Brazilian Trade Unions : In (In)Voluntary Confinement of the Corporatist Past
Many analysts of Brazilian industrial relations share a determinist vision of the country’s trade unionism, according to which the unions maintain a paradoxical yet atavistic relationship with the heavy body of laws that provide them with advantages while limiting their freedom. We tested this vision by conducting field enquiries into the daily activities of two Brazilian unions: the ABC Metalworkers Union and the Seamstress Union for the Sao Paulo and Osasco Region. In this article, we present the results of our case studies and what they reveal about Brazilian trade unionism’s relationship with the labour legislation. We also briefly discuss former trade union leader and current President Lula’s recent attempts to reform the country’s labour relations system.Jusqu’aux toutes dernières dĂ©cennies du XXe siècle, la sociĂ©tĂ© brĂ©silienne a vĂ©cu presque continuellement sous le joug d’un rĂ©gime corporatiste autoritaire lequel, Ă force de lois aussi prĂ©cises que contraignantes, a mis le syndicalisme dans un Ă©tat de tutelle, combinant des avantages en faveur des membres des appareils syndicaux, des dispositions sociales relativement gĂ©nĂ©reuses Ă l’égard des salariĂ©s de mĂŞme qu’un contrĂ´le Ă©troit sur l’action syndicale. Le retour de la dĂ©mocratie, une nouvelle constitution (1988), des Ă©lections prĂ©sidentielles dĂ©mocratiques, avec comme dernier prĂ©sident Ă©lu Luis Inacio « Lula » da Silva, lui-mĂŞme ancien chef syndical, auraient pu laisser prĂ©sager l’entrĂ©e du syndicalisme brĂ©silien dans une toute nouvelle Ă©tape de son histoire. Cet article constitue une contribution Ă l’analyse de l’état actuel du syndicalisme brĂ©silien qui, dans le monde syndical international, jouit d’une rĂ©putation enviable pour ce qui est des syndicalismes des Ă©conomies en Ă©mergence. Cet enthousiasme n’est toutefois pas toujours partagĂ© par les chercheurs brĂ©siliens eux-mĂŞmes, souvent plus sceptiques sur la capacitĂ© du syndicalisme brĂ©silien de dĂ©velopper une combativitĂ© dĂ©passant le niveau discursif et de rompre avec des dĂ©cennies de rapports incestueux avec l’État.C’est Ă partir de l’étude du fonctionnement de deux syndicats archĂ©typiques (le Syndicat des MĂ©tallos de la rĂ©gion de ABC de Sao Paulo de la Central Unica dos Trabalhadores et le Syndicat des Costureiras de Sao Paulo et Osasco de la centrale Força Sindical), affiliĂ©s Ă des confĂ©dĂ©rations aux idĂ©ologies opposĂ©es, que la discussion est menĂ©e, et cela sur la base d’une mise en contexte historique. Des mĂ©thodes qualitatives ont Ă©tĂ© utilisĂ©es, Ă savoir l’analyse documentaire, des entretiens et des observations. Il est dĂ©montrĂ© qu’alors que les MĂ©tallos rĂ©ussissent Ă utiliser la loi pour construire un rapport de force, notamment par la mise sur pied de structures syndicales plus participatives, l’action du syndicat des couturières est beaucoup plus Ă la remorque des droits juridiques accordĂ©s aux syndicats. De mĂŞme, alors que les MĂ©tallos ne rĂ©pugnent pas Ă l’action directe, le maĂ®tre-mot du syndicat des couturières est « nĂ©gociation ». Et il appert que l’ensemble des syndicalistes interviewĂ©s, tous des responsables originaires de la base, considèrent plutĂ´t prĂ©caire la situation du syndicalisme brĂ©silien.Les auteures en viennent ainsi Ă une conclusion nuancĂ©e, selon laquelle les diffĂ©rents syndicats usent diffĂ©remment de leurs marges de manoeuvre, certains de façon plus Ă©mancipatrice, aucun d’eux ne pouvant toutefois prĂ©tendre rompre les ponts avec des dĂ©cennies d’un encadrement juridique pesant. Par ailleurs, tous les syndicats du BrĂ©sil n’ont pas le choix que d’inscrire leur activitĂ© dans un encadrement juridique qui fait peu de place aux membres de la base de mĂŞme qu’à la vie syndicale dans les milieux de travail. C’est pourquoi le seul dĂ©sir d’instaurer une vie syndicale dĂ©mocratique (le cas des MĂ©tallos) exige en fait une imagination et une dĂ©termination particulières. Les modalitĂ©s concrètes du fonctionnement de chacun des syndicats autorisent ce constat, et tranchent en outre avec des analyses rĂ©pandues qui assimilent la rĂ©alitĂ© du syndicalisme brĂ©silien au discours militant de certains de ses Ă©lĂ©ments.L’analyse des tentatives de rĂ©forme du rĂ©gime de relations industrielles du gouvernement du PT (Lula) permet d’offrir un Ă©clairage complĂ©mentaire sur la situation du syndicalisme brĂ©silien. FraĂ®chement Ă©lu, Lula mettait sur pied une commission tripartite chargĂ©e de proposer une ambitieuse rĂ©forme des lois du travail susceptible de rompre avec un cadre juridique considĂ©rĂ© de façon gĂ©nĂ©rale comme Ă©tant d’inspiration mussolinienne. Le volumineux document en forme de projet de loi qui Ă©mana de la commission fut dĂ©posĂ© en l’absence de consensus de ses membres et fut rapidement l’objet de nombreuses critiques de la part tant du patronat que de plusieurs syndicats. C’est ainsi que Lula fut amenĂ©, au dĂ©but de son deuxième mandat, Ă renoncer Ă toute rĂ©forme globale et Ă proposer plutĂ´t des modifications moins ambitieuses et ciblant des Ă©lĂ©ments prĂ©cis de fonctionnement, comme la reconnaissance des confĂ©dĂ©rations syndicales ou le prĂ©lèvement des cotisations syndicales. Parallèlement, le gouvernement brĂ©silien actuel tente de mettre sur pied des institutions et une culture tripartite pour mettre en relation État, patronat et syndicats, sur le modèle social-dĂ©mocrate.Tant les Ă©tudes de cas menĂ©es Ă Sao Paulo que la saga de la rĂ©forme avortĂ©e de l’encadrement juridique mettent en relief, Ă leur façon, les paradoxes de la sociĂ©tĂ© brĂ©silienne et de son syndicalisme. L’absence d’une tradition syndicale autonome, des dĂ©cennies de rĂ©pression gouvernementale et Ă©tatique, la prĂ©sence rĂ©currente de syndicats inefficaces dotĂ©s de dirigeants souvent corrompus, une tendance marquĂ©e Ă la politisation des dĂ©bats et au sectarisme sont autant d’élĂ©ments qui rendent difficile une transformation profonde et rapide des fonctionnements syndicaux. La « modernisation » du syndicalisme brĂ©silien apparaĂ®t donc devoir faire l’objet d’un processus lent et d’une politique des petits pas, fondĂ©s sur une appropriation graduelle par les syndicats de la base des objectifs de cette modernisation. Les tentatives du prĂ©sident actuel de mettre sur pied des fonctionnements nĂ©o-corporatistes de type dĂ©mocratique sur les reliefs d’un corporatisme autoritaire s’inscrit aussi dans ce processus.Muchos analistas brasileños de relaciones industriales comparten la visiĂłn determinista del sindicalismo de paĂs, en concordancia con lo cual los sindicatos todavĂa mantienen una relaciĂłn atávica paradoxal con el cargado conjunto de leyes que les procuran ventajas y al mismo tiempo limitan su libertad. Nosotros examinamos esta visiĂłn mediante encuestas de terreno durante la actividad cotidiana de dos sindicatos brasileños : el Sindicato de metalĂşrgicos ABC y el Sindicato Seamstress de las regiones de Sao Paolo y Osasco. En este artĂculo, nosotros presentamos los resultados de nuestros estudios de caso y lo que ello revela respecto a la relaciĂłn de los sindicatos brasileños con la legislaciĂłn laboral. Discutimos brevemente los intentos del antiguo lĂder sindical y actual presidente Lula por reformar el sistema de relaciones laborales del paĂs
Housing in the nation’s micropolitan areas: A first look
Micropolitan area is a newly defined unit of analysis for examining housing affordability. Before the creation of micropolitan areas in 2003, U.S. counties were categorized as either metropolitan or nonmetropolitan. The category of micropolitan area allows for a more detailed analysis of housing affordability conditions in areas with populations less than metropolitan areas but more than nonmetropolitan areas. Variables examined in this analysis of micropolitan areas include demographic and housing characteristics. A policy section highlights how the findings from this analysis may be applied to micropolitan geography
PARTISAN POLITICS, ELECTORAL COMPETITION, AND IMPRISONMENT: AN ANALYSIS OF STATES OVER TIME
Author's manuscript made available in accordance with the publisher's policy.The now well-documented explosion in prison populations over the last 30 years has spurred significant attention in the literature. Early research focused primarily on economic explanations. More recently it has focused on political explanations of prison growth. Here we extend research on political explanations of imprisonment by drawing on the literature on state politics and public policy. We argue that the effect of partisan politics on punishment is conditional on how much electoral competition legislators face. We test this hypothesis using annual state level data on imprisonment from 1978 to 1996. Our findings show that the effect of Republican state legislative strength on prison admissions depends on time and the level of competition in state legislative elections. We argue that these findings suggest the need for a more nuanced understanding of the link between partisan U.S. politics and imprisonment
What does smart growth mean for housing?
Barely noticed amid the returns from the 1998 midterm elections was a quiet revolution that goes to the heart of how and where Americans live. While most news accounts focused on the high-profile candidate elections, voters across the nation-in Democratic and Republican areas alike-approved more than 160 state and local ballot measures intended to preserve open space and limit urban sprawl.
The coalition forming around the idea of limiting sprawl includes environmentalists, farmers, big-city mayors, and some developers. But perhaps most important, the so-called smart growth movement also includes many suburban voters who are fed up with growth. For example, suburbanites in New Jersey-who swept Republican Governor Christine Todd Whitman into office a few years ago on her promise to cut taxes-overwhelmingly supported her proposal to devote about $1 billion a year in taxes and user fees to help preserve half of the state\u27s two million acres of open space over the next ten years. The idea of land preservation is so appealing to many suburbanites that they are willing to pay for it, in contrast with their typical distaste for more taxes
A bigger piece of the pie? State corrections spending and the politics of social order
Author's manuscript made available in accordance with the publisher's policy.The dramatic increase in American state prison populations during the past three decades has sparked considerable research interest. Empirical research has most often examined changes in prison admissions or populations, but few studies have considered shifts in state corrections budgets. This study examines variation in annual, state-level corrections expenditures as a proportion of state expenditures from 1980 to 1998, drawing together existing theoretical arguments about criminal punishment under a common rubric that focuses on state responsibility for the maintenance of social order and the need for state officials to maintain office through popular election. From this view, partisan politics, economic and racial threats, citizen preferences, fiscal considerations, policy priorities, and crime are important explanations of corrections spending because they affect strategies for maintaining social order, garnering votes, and maintaining political office. Findings generally support this perspective. Partisan politics, racial threats, state economic prosperity, and budgetary priorities all play a role in determining state corrections expenditures
Community acceptance of affordable housing
Despite historically low interest rates, organizations across the nation have become increasingly concerned about the impacts of regulatory constraints and anti-growth sentiments on the availability and cost of housing. This concern is by no means limited to a few “high cost” areas like Boston and San Francisco. It can also be found in Iowa City, where new single-family houses were recently selling from 375,000 (prices readily considered affordable in many larger metropolitan areas) and even in rural areas where spill-over growth and “drive to qualify” solve the commuter’s affordability problem while creating unforeseen affordability problems for the rural native.
Today the residents of communities where jobs and population are expanding do not automatically assume that growth is good. Quite the contrary, they raise a skeptical eyebrow and demand “positive” growth. Developers must justify their proposals to the public (particularly neighbors to their developments) throughout zoning applications and subdivision reviews. With inadequate supplies of land zoned at densities to support affordable housing, opponents of development can place substantial pressure on public officials to deny the required zoning or to significantly modify the development, making it more expensive and possibly unfeasible. Neighbors are rarely opposed to development in general, just the specific development near them, a sentiment dubbed “Not in My Back Yard” or NIMBY. Similarly, local public officials are rarely “anti-growth” but want to be sure that new development will have a positive fiscal impact on local government. Since the tax revenue streams associated with residential development are complex and only partially captured by the locality, the presumed (or even estimated) fiscal impact of residential development is often negative
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