Observation of dispersive wave emission by temporal cavity solitons

We examine a coherently-driven, dispersion-managed, passive Kerr fiber ring resonator and report the first direct experimental observation of dispersive wave emission by temporal cavity solitons. Our observations are in excellent agreement with analytical predictions and they are fully corroborated by numerical simulations. These results lead to a better understanding of the behavior of temporal cavity solitons under conditions where higher-order dispersion plays a significant role. Significantly, since temporal cavity solitons manifest themselves in monolithic microresonators, our results are likely to explain the origins of spectral features observed in broadband Kerr frequency combs.Comment: 4 pages, 3 figure

Mission to the Creek Indians in 1794

So much effort has been directed to the story of the resolving of the post-Revolutionary War problems of the United States and Great Britain that insufficient attention has been paid to equally vexing problems with Spain and her allies, the southern Indians. In some respects this is not strange for even during the 1790’s, the attention of the American people was directed toward Great Britain for it was with this nation that the new republic’s economic future was most intimately associated. The two decades subsequent to the birth of the new nation saw constant friction along the Florida-Georgia frontier which often erupted locally into violent acts of vandalism, robbery, and even murder. A fair portion of the time of the State Department was taken up in attempts to negotiate officially with the Spanish agents accredited to the United States and unofficially in dealing with various Indian chieftains who were supposedly under the protection of the Spanish government. Naturally these unofficial negotiations were undertaken in Indian territory by official agents of the new republic. It did not require much time for the Indians to realize the advantage of their position as they were wooed first by one side and then by the other. The strange thing is that they did not press this advantage to the greatest possible limit as both governments were willing to go to great extremes to assure friendly relations with as many Indian groups as possible. At the first rumor of the conclusion of an agreement between the Indians and one government, the other would put a mission in the field to attempt to negotiate a second agreement that would nullify the terms of the first. This, after all, was the traditional pattern of frontier diplomacy as practiced for centuries by the colonial powers in the new world

Indian Presents: To Give or Not to Give: Governor Whites\u27s Quandary

At the close of the Eighteenth Century the use of presents to obtain loyalty, friendship, neutrality or allegiance was an old story to the nations of Western Europe, dating back to the days of the Greeks and Romans. Later presents were employed for the same purpose in the feudal period and in the campaigns of the Crusaders in the Holy Land. In the early years of the modern era the Portugese used presents to obtain peaceful entry into African ports as prelude to the slave trade. And finally presents were employed in the Americas by all the colonizing powers as a method of obtaining Indian support far less expensive than full scale warfare. In the long run, results were more permanent and far more fruitful

The Return of Runaway Slaves 1790-1794

Among the duties assumed by the federal government after the ratification of the constitution was the general supervision over relations with the Indians living both within and without what were generally claimed to be the national boundaries. This assumption of authority was resented by many of the frontier residents long accustomed to dealing directly with the Indians. They were convinced, rightfully or wrongfully, that all savages were to be mistrusted, that the so-called Indian lands were open to seizure and settlement by the first to arrive on the scene, and that there was nothing illegal or immoral in acquiring the Indians’ private property, presumably recently stolen from the legitimate owners. Although this attitude, a product of bitter experience, was not conducive to peace and stability along the frontier, it nevertheless governed the relations between the two races for a long period of time. Of particular annoyance to the settlers and to the large plantation owners was the ease with which valuable Negro slaves from Georgia and South Carolina escaping from their masters managed to disappear across the Oconee River into the Indian country and then often reappear in either St. Augustine or Pensacola where the Spanish authorities as like as not treated them as freed Negroes. Even if they were not allowed to roam freely, they were merely put to work on the most available public works project at no expense to the Spanish government. It was not the treatment accorded the runaways that irked the Americans so much as it was the fact that the Spanish officials blandly refused to discuss the question of rounding them up and sending them back to the United States where they rightfully belonged. No manner of argument seemed to carry any weight with the officials in either East or West Florida

A British Report on West Florida and Louisiana, November, 1812

After returning the two Floridas to Spain by the Treaty of Paris of 1783, England watched with satisfaction while her thirteen former colonies struggled to reach agreement with the government in Madrid on the thorny problem of the southeastern boundary. The Treaty of San Lorenzo of 1795 failed to satisfy either party and the Louisiana Purchase of 1803 further confused the problem by introducing boundary claims in the region west of the Mississippi River. The suggestion to use force to achieve a permanent settlement with Spain was heard with increasing frequency in Washington. Even Thomas Jefferson, in retirement at Monticello, advised action when he wrote his nephew, John Wayles Eppes, “I wish you would authorize the President to take possession of East Florida immediately. The seizing [of] West Florida will be a signal to England to take Pensacola & St. Augustine; . . . we shall never get it from them but by a war, which may be prevented by anticipation -

France to the Rescue: An Episode of the Florida Border, 1797

The reversal of international alliances pursuant to the Treaty of Basel of 1795 returned Spain to her former position as an ally of France. By the terms of this document, however, Spain found herself in a position considerably more subserviant than that assigned her by the alliances of 1761 and 1762. 1 Her Caribbean colonies, heretofore the prey of France, were now opened to possible English attack. East Florida lying close to Cuba and the Bahama Channel, thus in a strategic position, was one of the points most exposed to enemy attack. Constant troop withdrawals rendered the defense of this outlying area most difficult. Fearful of an easy enemy victory in the Florida region, the French government ordered its representatives in the United States to render all possible assistance to the Spanish in uncovering and frustrating hostile English projects

Documents Pertaining to the Georgia-Florida Frontier, 1791-1793

During the period from 1784 to 1821, one of the major causes of friction along the St. Marys River, the dividing line between the United States and East Florida, was the frequent disappearance of Negro slaves, usually fleeing from the American bank of the river into the sparsely populated Spanish colony where they hoped to find a refuge with the Indian population or among the freed Negroes and mulattoes in St. Augustine. Frequent arrangements were made by the authorities on both sides to return the runaways as soon as possible to their legitimate owners to avoid unnecessary diplomatic wrangling