2 research outputs found
Superoperator Analysis of Entanglement in a Four-Qubit Cluster State
In this paper we utilize superoperator formalism to explore the entanglement
evolution of four-qubit cluster states in a number of decohering environments.
A four-qubit cluster state is a resource for the performance of an arbitrary
single logical qubit rotation via measurement based cluster state quantum
computation. We are specifically interested in the relationship between
entanglement evolution and the fidelity with which the arbitrary single logical
qubit rotation can be implemented in the presence of decoherence as this will
have important experimental ramifications. We also note the exhibition of
entanglement sudden death (ESD) and ask how severely its onset affects the
utilization of the cluster state as a means of implementing an arbitrary single
logical qubit rotation.Comment: 9 pages, 9 composite figures, presentation of results completely
rewritte
Liberal Democracy’s Contested Development in Post-Handover Hong Kong
This thesis investigates the contested development of liberal democracy in Hong
Kong since the 1997 handover of the city back to China. This is accomplished by
analyzing the development of procedural democracy, press freedom, and identity in Hong
Kong. These first two facets are assessed because liberal democracy entails a
democratically elected government that protects liberal rights. While most rights in Hong
Kong are well protected, press freedom stands out as being under threat from indirect
Chinese interference. A discussion of identity then helps to predict the likely future trends
for the development of liberal democracy, since the Hong Kong public is more likely to
support democratization, local autonomy, and be less nationalist if it holds a stronger
local Hong Kong identity than Chinese identity.
Full democracy in Hong Kong has not been achieved since the major wielder of
governmental power, the Chief Executive, is still not directly elected. The persistence of
this democratic deficit leaves Hong Kong a ‘liberal flawed democracy,’ an international
outlier among advanced economies. This has persisted due to external influence from
Britain under the colonial system and then China, weaknesses in pro-democracy civil
society groups and the presence of strong local pro-Beijing political organizations, and
individual psychological factors. One fundamental barrier to democratization is the
public’s aversion to confronting China and lack of belief in democracy as an end goal for
society. Broad-based public support for democratization has therefore only arisen as a
tool for preventing potential government repression. When threats of repression have
subsided, mass demands for democracy have likewise diminished.
Furthermore, the liberal distinction in Hong Kong’s characterization as a ‘liberal
flawed democracy’ may even be under threat from Chinese influence. Since the 1990s,
businessmen with economic interests in China have acquired Hong Kong media
organizations and either shut them down or softened their editorial position towards
China in order to win greater access to the Chinese market. Pressure has also been placed
on journalists to self-censor, a growing problem in Hong Kong according to industry and
public perceptions. While media censorship is limited by journalists’ strong sense of
professionalism and the industry-wide Hong Kong Journalists Association’s advocacy for
press freedom, the prospects for the Hong Kong media are still bleak. A weakened press
unable to voice the public’s concerns also exposes other rights to interference.
Tracking the development of identity in Hong Kong provides a useful gauge of
how liberal democracy will progress in the future. Though a strong Hong Kong identity
emerged in local popular culture in the 1970s, China placed pressure on the Hong Kong
media to promote a stronger Chinese identity in the late 1980s and 1990s. Although
apprehension about the handover kept Hong Kong people from immediately embracing a
Chinese identity, Chinese identification did grow in the early 2000s. Since 2008,
however, growing conflicts between the Hong Kong people and the Chinese government
and Mainlanders has caused a strong Hong Kong identity to reemerge. This local
identification seems likely to persist in the near future, encouraging the continuation of
the status quo: continued public defense of liberal rights and moderate support for greater
democracy. In the long term, however, China’s influence over local media and education
provides it with two powerful tools for incrementally instilling greater Chinese
identification. As this could expose Hong Kong’s liberal rights to interference and further
stall democratic progress, these factors should be watched closely and studied further