Family spending power

Families with two or more adults have unadjusted incomes above the overall average because they have more potential earners. On the other hand, unattached individuals and lone parents have after-tax income averages just over half the overall average. Adjusting incomes to account for family size and composition-using an 'equivalence scale'- changes the picture. Based on the adjusted figures, the average family had the equivalent spending power of an unattached individual with $26,900 in after-tax income in 1999. Adjusted incomes fall into a narrower range, so the gap between the highest and lowest 20$8 (unadjusted) to $5 for every$1. This smaller gap indicates a tighter distribution when incomes are adjusted for family size. Many demographic trends contributed to changes in the size and type of families between 1980 and 1999. The family with two parents and children saw a decline, while other forms of household organization increased. The average family size in 1999 was 10% smaller than in 1980.adjusted family income, inequality, after-tax income

In Georgia, Michelle Nunn faces an uphill climb to flip theSenate race for the Democrats

While speculation is increasing about the likelihood of a Republican ‘wave’ in this year’s midterm elections, Georgia’s open Senate seat could well be a spanner in the works for the GOP. Jamie Carson writes that Democrat Michelle Nunn is more or less tied with Republican David Perdue, in a Senate race that has seen millions in outside spending funneled into the state. He writes that Nunn’s best chance of victory lies in her ability to mobilize minority and lower income voters. In any case, if neither candidate gains 50 percent or more of the vote next week, Georgia’s runoff system will mean that the race will not be decided until next January

An updated look at the computer services industry

This paper looks at the fast-growing computer services industry in Canada, with a particular focus on software developers, data processing firms, systems consultants, and Internet service providers. The growth of the industry is described using a variety of statistics. Key industry trends, developments and impacts are also described: business process outsourcing, electronic commerce and just-in-time delivery systems, for example. This analysis of computer services looks at the types of firms in the industry, along with industry averages for revenues, expenses and profit margins. Also examined are differences between small and large firms, regional differences in Canadian business operations, details on the industry's cost structure, data on various business activities, and which industries are key clients for computer services firms.computer services, consultants, data processing, high technology industries, information services, internet, internet service providers, software development

Why taking moderate positions may help the Democrats to retake the House this fall

Partisan polarization has steadily increased in recent decades, culminating in record highs in recent years. In new research, Jamie Carson and Ryan Williamson compare the ideology of winning and losing candidates in US House elections between 1992 and 2012. They find that winning candidates are much less ideologically extreme than those who lose elections. Though some districts prefer more extreme representatives, these are a minority. Together, these findings show that if challengers were more skilled at winning elections, polarization in Congress might be even greater than it is now

Michelle Nunn’s midterm result shows that Georgia’s demographics may be shifting to favor the Democrats

In Georgia’s Senate race Republican David Purdue defeated Democrat Michelle Nunn by nearly eight points, despite polling that had shown a much closer contest. Jamie L. Carson, Joel Sievert, and Ryan D. Williamson reflect on Georgia’s midterm election results, writing that in gaining more than 40 percent of the vote, Nunn outperformed many previous Democratic candidates in the state. They argue that if the Democratic Party continues to field good candidates in Georgia, shifting demographics may mean that they will be able to take statewide races within a few election cycles

Despite party pressures, House members’ support for their leadership in procedural votes is not guaranteed

Control of the floor agenda in the U.S. House of Representatives is integral if the majority party wishes to achieve its political and electoral aims. In new research, Jamie L. Carson, Michael H. Crespin, and Anthony J. Madonna find that parties will call on their members’ support during important procedural votes – which influence what is discussed, and the scope and length of the debate – when it is unlikely that voters will punish members for their support. However, despite these party pressures, members’ support is not guaranteed – more moderate and conservative members are less likely to support the leadership when requested

In order to increase competition in U.S. House races, states should look to extra-legislative bodies to redraw congressional boundaries

Politicians and pundits alike regularly bemoan the lack of electoral competition in congressional races as incumbent reelection rates frequently soar to over 90 percent. Redistricting and gerrymandering are often blamed as a way to lock members into their seats for at least a decade. Jamie L. Carson, Michael H. Crespin and Ryan D. Williamson ask if there are ways to inject more competition into elections during the mandated redistricting cycles. Based on an analysis of redistricting cycles from 1972 to 2012, they show that commission and court-drawn districts experience marginally more competition than those drawn by state legislatures. These results provide additional support for the argument that one way to increase the competitiveness of congressional elections is to allow extra-legislative bodies to draw congressional district boundaries

Why did Democrats lose seats in the 2020 elections? More incumbents ran in more competitive districts.

Despite expectations that they would ride Joe Biden’s successful presidential election coattails to an increased majority in the US House of Representatives, the Democrats are likely to find themselves with a reduced majority heading into the 117th Congress. Ryan Williamson and Jamie Carson write that moderates likely lost their seats in this election because they were defending very competitive and often Republican-leaning districts in a nationalized election. With this in mind, they comment that Democrats must now consider how to promote their often diverse messages in ways that satisfies both the progressive and more moderate parts of the party

The story of the midterms is the triumph of the moderates – on both sides

Following this week’s midterm elections, in 2019 the Democratic Party will be in the majority in the US House of Representatives. Ryan Williamson and Jamie Carson have previously argued that more moderate Democratic candidates were more likely to win House seats. Analyzing the midterm results, they find that this year Democratic candidates who were more moderate were indeed able to win back seats from incumbent conservative candidates, and were also more likely to outperform Clinton’s vote from 2016