Hrvatska umjetnost u drugoj polovici IX. stoljeća

In Croatia there are a great number of precisely dated sculptures and architectural monuments from the second half of the ninth century. It was a time following the delimitation of spheres of interest on the eastern Adriatic between the Carolingians and Byzantium, and when the Croatian dukedom (kneževina) developed into a state under the rule of Dukes Trpimir, Branimir and Muntimir. Their names were carved in some reliefs on church furniture, which makes it possible to precisely follow the development in architecture and sculpture from the middle to the end of the ninth century. Pre-Romanesque buildings in the second half of the ninth century, indirectly dated by sculptured inscriptions, belong to two types: the hexaconchal oratory under the influence of the older Mediterranean architectural heritage, and longitudinal structures with a triapsidal or triconchal sanctuary, external buttresses and a westwork, as the most important characteristic. All the buildings were vaulted, with cross vaults or barrel vaults and domes. Members of the ruling class possessed goldwork of a high level of craftsmanship. Some of it was dated by a Lothar I coin, which indirectly allowed another group of similar very valuable objects to be dated to the second half of the ninth century. We refer to the well-known gold jewelry from Trilj, gilded royal spurs and a like set of child\u27s spurs from Crkvina in, Biskupija near Knin, and other similar contemporary objects found in richly-equipped royal graves that also had Byzantine gold coins of Constantine IV and Leo V

Dvije Nerijeve vješte ikonografske interpretacije biblijskoga teksta

Nerio’s initial D(e ventre matris mee...) from Gradual D of the Zadar Franciscans has been misinterpreted in scholarly literature, earning the miniaturist a bad reputation as an iconographer. L. Mirković did not recognize that the initial depicts simultaneously two connected events from Luke’s Gospel: Annunciation to Zechariah (Lk 1:5-25) and the Birth of John the Baptist (Lk 1:57-66). This article aims to prove the opposite, namely that Nerio was unusually skilled in translating the liturgical text into visual language. This opinion is supported by the analysis of Nerio’s cutting preserved at the British Library, depicting Christ, an apostle, and an executioner taking a sheep to be slaughtered. So far, no correct interpretation of this scene has been offered. The author considers it to be a visual interpretation of the First Response of the nocturnal Mass for Holy Saturday. The citation is taken from Isaiah (53/7) and reads: Sicut ovis ad occisionem ductus est et, dum male tractaretur non aperuit os suum (“He was led like a lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheep before its shearers is silent, so he did not open his mouth”). Nerio wanted to depict Christ’s silence and succeeded in doing so by introducing an apostle into the scene to enter into a dialogue with the executioner, indirectly emphasizing Christ’s silence. Christ seems to distance himself from the event, turning his back to it. Nevertheless, he turns his head back towards the executioner, recognizing his own fate in the sheep and accepting it without a word.Nerijev inicijal D(e ventre matris mee…) iz graduala D kod zadarskih franjevaca u literaturi je pogrešno interpretiran, a sam je minijaturist ocijenjen kao loš ikonograf. Naime, L. Mirković nije prepoznao da su u tom inicijalu istodobno prikazana dva povezana događaja iz Lukina evanđelja, Navještenje Zahariji (Lk, 1, 5–25) i Rođenje Ivana Krstitelja (Lk, 1, 57–66). Autor, naprotiv, smatra da je Nerije neobično vješt u prevođenju liturgijskog teksta u likovni jezik. To dodatno argumentira analizom Nerijeva ostriška u British Library na kojem su prikazani Krist i apostol te krvnik koji odvodi ovcu na klanje. Do sada nije ponuđeno ispravno tumačenje ovog prizora. Autor zaključuje da je to likovna interpretacija prvog responzorija nokturna na Veliku subotu. Preuzet je od Izaije (53/7), a glasi: Sicut ovis ad occisionem ductus est et, dum male tractaretur non aperuit os suum, dakle: „Ko jagnje na klanje odvedoše ga, ko ovca, nijema pred onima što je strižu nije otvorio usta svojih". Nerije je inzistirao na prikazu Kristove šutnje, a to uspijeva time što u scenu uvodi apostola koji uspostavlja dijalog s krvnikom čime se naglašava Kristova šutnja. Krist se pritom nastoji udaljiti od događaja, pa mu je okrenut leđima. Ipak, okreće glavu unatrag prepoznajući u ovci vlastitu sudbinu, prihvaćajući je bez riječi

CROATIAN TOPONYM Ž D R E L A C AND ITS ROMANCE SEMANTIC PARALLEL IN THE YUGOSLAV ADRIATIC TOPONYMY OF THE MIDDLE AGES

The Slavic metaphoric toponym Ž d r e l a c is frequently found in the coastel toponymy of the Yugoslav Adriatic, confirmed also by the historic sources from 13th century. As a rule it is applied to donote sea straits having its semantic parallel in T i s n o. The recent investigations into the archives point also to the Romance parallel in the Ž d r e l a c toponym, which this paper is dealing with. The topographic ubiety of two toponyms from the Middle Ages registered in sources as Joche, Jochum, Coch, Zogo, Zogum and the like (in the Magnum and Parvum variants) correspond thoroughly to the Veliki and Mali Ždrebac localities on the island of Ugljan. It is sugested to solve it etimologically from the Latin Jugum, through Jogum = yoke. It is again the question of the metaphoric toponym with an altogether counter-conceptualization for the same subject matter. The strait (tjesnac) is a narrow space or passage connecting two bodies of water (jaram) and also a narrow opening (ždrijelo = gorge, gulf) that separates the same dry-land

Vannes quondam Bernardi de Firmo: Zasebna isprava i Regesti registra

2 poglavlja: 1) Zasebna isprava (latinski jezik) 2) Regesti registra (talijanski jezik; od str.153

Archaeological Researches of the Destroyed Church of St. Martin in Lepuri near Benkovac

Arheološka istraživanja bila su uvjetovana činjenicom da je srednjovjekovna crkvica Sv. Martina, inače jednostavnog pravokutnog tlorisa s pravokutnom apsidom, bila minirana 1992. godine u vrijeme dok je prostor sjeverne Dalmacije bio pod okupacijom pobunjeničkih srpskih snaga. Istraživanja se provode s namjerom da bi se omogućila rekonstmkcija razorene srednjovjekovne crkvinice. Pokazalo se, međutim, da je srednjovjekovna (gotička?) crkvica sagrađena na predromaničkom pločniku jedne prostranije, izvorno ranokršćanske crkve. Ta je također bila jednobrodna, no, s poligonainom, a ne s pravokutnom apsidom i bila je nešto prostranija od miniranog objekta. Spomenuta je ranokršćanska crkva dobila uskoro pregradnje na uzdužnim stranama (a možda i narteks), te je na taj način nastao objekt kompleksnog tipa. Upredromaničko doba bočne su prigradnje pretvorene u kapele, a središnji je objekt dobio masivni kameni pločnik na kojem su bila postavljena četiri rimska arhitrava kao nosači svodne konstmkcije novog objekta. Tako definirani građevinski kompleks stradao je u kasnom srednjem vijeku, te je na istom predromaničkompločniku izrasla skromnija gotička crkvica. Tijekom istraživanja pronađeno je više ulomaka predromaničkih reljefa i dijelovi posvetnih natpisa koji će pomoći završnoj interpretaciji građevinskog sklopa kada istraživanja budu u cijelosti završena. Istraženo je ujedno i oko 200 grobova od kojih samo dio pripada srednjem vijeku, a ponudili su uglavnom standardne nalaze poznate iz kasnosrednjovjekovnih nekropola na prostom Dalmacije.Archaeological researches at this locality were undertaken because the medieval church of St. Martin, ojsimple rectangular ground plan with rectangular apse, was blown up in 1992, while the Northern Dalmatian territory was occupied by Serbian rebel forces. The researches were aimed to enabling reconstruction ojthe destroyed medieval church. lt came out, however, that the medieval (Gothic?) church was built on pre-Romanesque floor of a larger, initially paleo-Christian, church. The earlier church was also single vesseled, but with apolygonal and not rectangular apse, and somewhat larger than the blown up church. The said paleoChristian church was got additions along its longitudinal sides (possibly a narthex too))which created a structure of complex type. ln the pre-Romanesque period, lateral additions were turned into chapels, and the central structure got a massive stone floor cover on which there were erected Jour Roman architraves to carry the vauits ojthe new structure. This complex was damaged in the late middle ages) and on the same pre-Romanesque floo~ a smaller Gothic church was built. In the course of the researches several fragments of pre Romanesque relieves and dedication inscriptions were found that will help the final interpretation of this complex once the researches are completed. There have also been researches about 200 graves) only apart of them belonging to the middle ages) that produced mostly standard finds known from late medieval graveyards of Dalmatia. 20

There was no erected church during the time of Prince Muncimir in the village Uzdolje near Knin

U članku se komentiraju rezultati arheoloških istraživanja srednjovjekovne crkve u Uzdolju te se zaključuje da je crkvu podigao župan Ivan u 12. stoljeću što je ostalo zabilježeno i u natpisu nadvratnika. Brojni predromanički reljefi pronađeni na tom lokalitetu potječu uglavnom s nekoliko kilometara udaljenog položaja na Crkvini u Biskupiji kod Knina, a manji je broj reljefa i s Lopuške glavice u Biskupiji. Trabeacija oltarne ograde iz 895. godine s natpisom kneza Muncimira podrijetlom je također s Crkvine u Biskupiji. Vrlo kvalitetan zabat s Muncimirovim natpisom isklesan je u Benediktinskoj klesarskoj radionici koja je djelovala i ranije, u razdoblju vladavine kneza Branimira.Archaeological research of the mediaeval church of St. John in Uzdolje near Knin in 2001 and 2002 provided for the first time a complete insight into the remains of the mediaeval structure and its architectural features. The interior of the single-nave rectangular building with semi-circular apse was divided into four vaulted traves by half-columns, situated along the lateral walls. These are features that are characteristic for Romanesque architecture at the Adriatic coast, in particular in the rural landscape. The famous inscription, which has been known for a long time, with the chiselled name of Prince Muncimir from 895 was discovered in the remains of the church. Along with this inscription, numerous other reliefs were also discovered there which indicate to the fact that they were carved during the 9th century. The Church of St. John in Uzdolje was built by the local prefect in the 12th century who also gave instructions to compose the concise Latin inscription about this event, which reads as follows: IVAN IVPANVS ABATI PETRI IVPANVS ABIRlT. This inscription is carved into an architrave of an altar screen from the 9th century. Based on the style, it is evident that it is an architrave that was originally placed in the church, of which the remains were explored at Crkvina in Biskupija near Knin, an archaeological site only a few kilometres away from Uzdolje. It is the mausoleum of Croatian rulers from the 9th century, which became the cathedral of Croatian bishops in the 11th century. Theauthor therefore concludes that an entire group ofpre-Romanesque reliefs was taken from Crkvinain Biskupija during the 12th century to be used to furnish the Church of St. John in Uzdolje. These reliefs from the 9th century were no longer in usein the cathedral of the Croatian bishops since theywere replaced by others in the last quarter of the 11thcentury, which is a well-known fact.Most reliefs discovered in Uzdolje reveal features of the so-called Benedictine stonemasonry workshop, whose works were noticed at several sites in the Croatian Principality. Thanks to the dedicatory inscriptions in Nin, Muć and Otres, the activity of this stonemasonry workshop coincides with the reign of Prince Branimir (879-892). The reliefs discovered in Uzdolje confirm its activity also at the time of his successor Prince Muncimir. It thus becomes clear that the Benedictine stonemasonry workshop supplied the mausoleum of Croatian princes at Crkvina in Biskupija near Knin with liturgical furnishings also during the reign of Prince Muncimir. The author draws the attention to one group of reliefs from Crkvina in Biskupija which reveal features of the Benedictine stonemasonry workshop. At the same time he also indicates to the fact that the use of discarded pre-Romanesque reliefs is a common phenomenon and that many of them were discovered at sites for which they were not originally intended for

There was no erected church during the time of Prince Muncimir in the village Uzdolje near Knin

U članku se komentiraju rezultati arheoloških istraživanja srednjovjekovne crkve u Uzdolju te se zaključuje da je crkvu podigao župan Ivan u 12. stoljeću što je ostalo zabilježeno i u natpisu nadvratnika. Brojni predromanički reljefi pronađeni na tom lokalitetu potječu uglavnom s nekoliko kilometara udaljenog položaja na Crkvini u Biskupiji kod Knina, a manji je broj reljefa i s Lopuške glavice u Biskupiji. Trabeacija oltarne ograde iz 895. godine s natpisom kneza Muncimira podrijetlom je također s Crkvine u Biskupiji. Vrlo kvalitetan zabat s Muncimirovim natpisom isklesan je u Benediktinskoj klesarskoj radionici koja je djelovala i ranije, u razdoblju vladavine kneza Branimira.Archaeological research of the mediaeval church of St. John in Uzdolje near Knin in 2001 and 2002 provided for the first time a complete insight into the remains of the mediaeval structure and its architectural features. The interior of the single-nave rectangular building with semi-circular apse was divided into four vaulted traves by half-columns, situated along the lateral walls. These are features that are characteristic for Romanesque architecture at the Adriatic coast, in particular in the rural landscape. The famous inscription, which has been known for a long time, with the chiselled name of Prince Muncimir from 895 was discovered in the remains of the church. Along with this inscription, numerous other reliefs were also discovered there which indicate to the fact that they were carved during the 9th century. The Church of St. John in Uzdolje was built by the local prefect in the 12th century who also gave instructions to compose the concise Latin inscription about this event, which reads as follows: IVAN IVPANVS ABATI PETRI IVPANVS ABIRlT. This inscription is carved into an architrave of an altar screen from the 9th century. Based on the style, it is evident that it is an architrave that was originally placed in the church, of which the remains were explored at Crkvina in Biskupija near Knin, an archaeological site only a few kilometres away from Uzdolje. It is the mausoleum of Croatian rulers from the 9th century, which became the cathedral of Croatian bishops in the 11th century. Theauthor therefore concludes that an entire group ofpre-Romanesque reliefs was taken from Crkvinain Biskupija during the 12th century to be used to furnish the Church of St. John in Uzdolje. These reliefs from the 9th century were no longer in usein the cathedral of the Croatian bishops since theywere replaced by others in the last quarter of the 11thcentury, which is a well-known fact.Most reliefs discovered in Uzdolje reveal features of the so-called Benedictine stonemasonry workshop, whose works were noticed at several sites in the Croatian Principality. Thanks to the dedicatory inscriptions in Nin, Muć and Otres, the activity of this stonemasonry workshop coincides with the reign of Prince Branimir (879-892). The reliefs discovered in Uzdolje confirm its activity also at the time of his successor Prince Muncimir. It thus becomes clear that the Benedictine stonemasonry workshop supplied the mausoleum of Croatian princes at Crkvina in Biskupija near Knin with liturgical furnishings also during the reign of Prince Muncimir. The author draws the attention to one group of reliefs from Crkvina in Biskupija which reveal features of the Benedictine stonemasonry workshop. At the same time he also indicates to the fact that the use of discarded pre-Romanesque reliefs is a common phenomenon and that many of them were discovered at sites for which they were not originally intended for

RILIEVI PREROMANICI DEL IX SECOLO DI KOTOR

Autor temeljitije stilski obrađuje skupinu predromaničkih reljefa iz južne Dalmacije, poglavito ostatke ciborija iz Kotora, Ulcinja i Dubrovnika. Zauzima se za to da ih se sve zajedno sagleda kao proizvode jednog predromaničkog klesarskog ateliera. Raspravlja o raznolikim dosadašnjim interpretacijama samih reljefa i njihovih natpisa te razlaže argumente za datiranje u prva desetljeća 9. stoljeća, potkrijepljujući dataciju stilskim, epigrafskim, hagiografskim i povijesnim razlozima.L’autore tratta un gruppo di rilievi preromanici della Dalmazia superiore costituito da frammenti di cibori di Ulcinj, Kotor e Dubrovnik, e da alcuni rilievi di Kotor e dintorni. I monumenti di Kotor sono, ad ogni modo, i più numerosi. Già nel 1960 I. Petricioli collegò i rilievi ricordati in un unico gruppo, ma da allora nuove ricerche hanno recuperato altri frammenti molto importanti, che hanno illuminato il problema, e soprattuto la datazione, in maniera nuova. Avendo, appunto, la datazione dei rilievi del gruppo suddetto suscitato anche prima contestazioni, l’autore s’inserisce nella discussione aperta da tanto tempo interpretando in maniera più esauriente i reperti più nuovi nel tentativo di collocarli nel contesto storico. Tra i frammenti recentemente ritrovati sono di grande importanza quelli corredati di iscrizioni dedicatorie, in particolar modo le parti di un ciborio di Ulcinj con un’iscrizione che ricorda gli imperatori Leone e Costantino, quindi il frammento di un ciborio di Kotor con il nome di persona – Nikifor – al nominativo, e alcuni frammenti di un’altra arcata di Kotor dimostranti che il testo su di essa era tutto in versi rimati come si era già precedentemente potuto notare sull’unica arcata della cattedrale intermente conservatasi. L’autore conviene con i pareri che identificano gli imperatori Leone e Costantino del ciborio di Ulcinj con la coppia di sovrani del periodo 813-820 (Kovačević, Mijović). Chiarisce le circostanze in cui gli abitanti di Kotor liberati dall’oppresione franca ai primi del IX secolo furono nuovamente sottoposti alla sovranità bizantina nell’anno 806 dopo che la flotta di Bisanzio entrò in Adriatico. Ritiene allo stesso tempo che il ciborio di Kotor appartenga alla chiesa la cui costruzione iniziò nell’anno 809 quando gli abitanti della città vennero in possesso delle reliquie di S. Trifone guaritore. Avverte anche dell’importanza di una fonte agiografica, la leggenda di S. Trifone, alcuni luoghi della quale concordano con i dati di certe iscrizioni di Kotor del IX secolo. Per questo presenta l’iscrizione preromanica datata 13 gennaio 809 e avverte che la data è la stessa del »testamento« del benemerito cittadino di Kotor, Andreaci, che è indicato come donatore della chiesa di S. Trifone in una tarda trascrizione del documento. Con questo la suddetta trascrizione, rispetivamente »testamento« di Andreaci, ottiene assoluta conferma della sua autenticità. Rinvia anche al sarcofago dello stesso Andreaci e di sua moglie Maria, ritrovato nelle vicinanze della chiesa di S. Trifone, che chiarisce ulteriormente il ruolo di questo donatore del IX secolo. Rinviando al frammento del ciborio di Kotor su cui si è conservato il nome Nikifor, l’autore avverte che esso corrisponde al nome dell’imperatore (Nikifor 806-811) al tempo in cui gli abitanti di Kotor vennero in possesso delle reliquie di S. Trifone e intrapresero la costruzione della chiesa. Ritiene che ciò non sia casuale e propone che il nome sul ciborio di Kotor s’identifichi con quello dell’imperatore conformemente ad alcune proposte precedenti. In questo modo i due cibori di Ulcinj e Kotor porterebbero i nomi degli imperatori contemporanei mettendo più espressamente in rilievo l’appartenenza di queste due città della Dalmazia superiore all’Impero d’Oriente, subito dopo la liberazione dall’oppressione franca nell’anno 806. I nomi degli imperatori del tempo su queste iscrizioni sono certamente in funzione della datazione, ma allo stesso tempo anche riflesso della fedeltà e dell’appartenenza politica che in quel momento si voleva assolutamente evidenziare. Con la presente interpretazione la datazione di questo interesante gruppo di rilievi di Ulcinj, Kotar e Dubrovnik ottiene un saldo fondamento. Concorda con i loro caratteri stilistici: l’horror vacui, un certo classicismo nella scelta dei motivi (cima lesbica e astragalo) e un rilievo molto schiacciato. Questi sono tutti caratteri della scultura preromanica del IX secolo, e assolutamente non dell’XI secolo come alcuni hanno voluto vedere. Nella scultura dell’XI secolo sono visibili chiari indizi del nuovo stile di cui si è già scritto molto, mentre i citati rilievi della Dalmazia meridionale non presentano nemmeno una queste innovazioni stilistiche

THE FOUNDING OF A FRANCISCAN MONASTERY ON PAŠMAN (1392)

Na temelju oporuke Zadranke Pelegrine Saladin iz 1392. godine kojom se osniva franjevački samostan sv. Dujma u Kraju na otoku Pašmanu, autor razmatra društvene, gospodarske i političke prilike u Zadru u 14. st., s posebnim naglaskom na prilike u Hrvatskoj i Bosni.The founding of a Franciscan Monastery of St. Dujam (Domnio) at Kraj on the Island of Pašman is connected with the last will of Pelegrina Saladin, from Zadar, the widow of Franjo Grisogono, Bartul\u27s son. A copy of this document is kept in the Benedictine Nunnery in Zadar. The precise date was until recently uncertain because the year on the copy, 1390, clashes with indication XV, that is, 1392. Pelegrina Saladin was a daughter of the wealthiest man in the 14th century Zadar, Kozo Saladin, Bartul\u27s son. His ancestor of the same name was in the 13th century, prosperous merchant and the richest man in Zadar with numerous estates in the Zadar hinterland. Pelegrina\u27s grandfather, Bartul, inherited him. Being her father\u27s favourite, Pelegrina got the richest dowry. Her sisters and nieces were married to members of the most outstanding Zadar families in the 14th century, Martinusić, Matafar, Raduč and Soppe. The Grisogono family from which Pelegrina\u27s husband, Franjo, carne was among the most respected in Mediaeval Zadar and was mentioned in the late 13th century. Leading noblemen from Zadar adhered to the policy of the Hungaro-Croatian King Lodovicus I Angevin, and in 1345 they started an uprising against Venetian government. In this unsuccessful uprising Franjo Grisogono must have lost his life together with other noblemen since already in 1347 Pelegrina was referred to as a widow. With the Zadar peace treaty in 1358 and Lodovicus \u27 victory over Venice politica! situation improved and Zadar noblemen performed high functions in Dalmatia and at the Court. Thus Peter\u27s son, Ivan Grisogono, was appointed Prince in Split and in this new environment his son was named Dujam after the Saint protector. After this, Dujam became a frequent name in this family. In his last will, from Aprii 8th, 1370, Pelegrina\u27s and Franjo\u27s son, Maur Grisogono, decreed that a church in honour of St. Dujam should be built in the viciriity of his salt-works on the Island of Pašman. In 1384, following her son\u27s wish, Pelegrina Saladin had the church built on the property of the Grisogono family. She offered it by a vow to the Franciscans who after being expelled from Bosnia settled in Zadar in 1380. In the following decades rich representatives of the Zadar nobility offered gifts to the Franciscan community on Pašman, especially Dujam, the son of Prince Ivan ,Grisogono. The Pašman monastery with the Split saint protector (St. Dujam), with the • founder from Zadar (Grisogono-Saladin) and with inheritors from Bosnia (displaced Franciscans) is an expression of political integrity of Dalmatia, Croatia and Bosnia in the second half of the 14th century