Overdamped quantum phase diffusion and charging effects in Josephson junctions

Exploiting the recently derived quantum Smoluchowski equation the classical Ivanchenko Zil'berman theory for overdamped diffusive phase motion of low capacitance Josephson junctions is extended to the low temperature quantum domain where charging effects appear. This formulation allows to derive explicit results for the current-voltage characteristics over a broad range of parameters that reduce to known findings in certain limits. In particular, the transparent analytical approach comprises Coulomb blockade physics, coherent Cooper pair transfer, and the precursors of macroscopic quantum tunneling and needs to be supplemented by more sophisticated methods only at very low temperatures.Comment: 10 pages, 3 figures, revised version, to appear in EuroPhys. Let

Wh-questions in Japanese: scrambling, reconstruction, and wh-movement

In this article, I discuss some important properties of wh-questions and wh-scrambling in Japanese. The questions I will address are (i) which instances of (wh-) scrambling involve reconstruction and (ii) how the undoing effects of scrambling can be derived. First I will discuss the claim that (wh-) scrambling is semantically vacuous and is therefore undone at LF (Saito 1989, 1992). Then I consider the data that led Takahashi (1993) to the conclusion that at least some instances of wh-scrambling have to be analyzed as instances of "full wh-movement" i.e., overt movement of the wh-phrase in its scopal position. It will be argued that these examples are not instances of full wh-movement in Japanese, but that they also represent semantically vacuous scrambling. Those instances of scrambling that apprently cannot be undone are best explained with recourse to parsing effects. I conclude that wh-scrambling in Japanese is always triggered by a ([-wh]-) scrambling feature. In addition, long distance scrambling (scrambling out of finite CPs) is analyzed as adjunction movement, whereas short distance scrambling is movement to a specifier position of IP. Turning to the mechanisms of undoing, I will argue that only long distance scrambling is undone. This is shown to follow from Chomsky's (1995) bare phrase structure analysis, according to which multi-segmental categories derived by adjunction movement are not licensed at LF. The article is organized as follows. In section 2, the wh-scrambling phenomenon is described. In section 3, I discuss the reconstruction properties of scrambling. In addition, this section provides some basic assumptions about my analysis of Japanese scrambling in general. In section 4, I turn to the analysis of wh-scrambling as an instance of full wh-movement in Japanese. Section 5 provides discussion of multiple wh-questions in Japanese, and section 6 gives the conclusion

On parallels and differences between clitic climbing and long scrambling & the economy of derivations

In this paper I show that Clitic Climbing (CC) in Spanish and Long Scrambling (LS) in German (and Polish) are (im-)possible out of the same environments. For an explanation of this fact I propose a feature-oriented analysis of incorporation phenomena. The idea is that restructuring is a phenomenon of syntactic incorporation. In German and Polish, Agro incorporates covertly into the matrix clause and licenses LS out of the infinitival into the matrix clause. Similarily the clitic in Spanish, which is analysed as an Agro-head, incorporates into the matrix clause. I argue that this movement is necessary for reasons of feature-checking, i. e. for checking of an [+R]- or Restructuring-feature. In section 2 I discuss several differences between CC and LS. For example, the proposed analysis correctly predicts that clitics in contrast to scrambled phrases are subject to several serialization restrictions. Throughout the paper I use the term restructuring only in a descriptive sense, in order to describe the phenomenon in question