Politics in Spain: A Case of Monitory Democracy

Analysing the current political context in Spain is a major challenge to political theory. Spain is experiencing the accumulation of trends that in recent years have focused the attention of most theorists and political scientists: discrediting of the major parties, falling numbers of party members, disaffection, etc. In parallel, this trend has been accompanied by citizen mobilisations that, since 15 May 2011, are manifest in numerous channels and strategies. The aim of this paper was to analyse the complex Spanish context from the monitory democracy proposal. The results show how in recent years processes of public scrutiny have been consolidated through a range of citizen initiatives. The study offers an in-depth analysis of the main characteristics of the most notable cases and monitoring initiatives, and also reflects on their democratising potential.El análisis del contexto político actual en España es un reto importante para la teoría política. España está experimentando la acumulación de tendencias que en años recientes han centrado la atención de la mayor parte de teóricos y científicos políticos: desacreditación de los principales partidos, caída del número de miembros de los partidos, desafección, etc. Paralelamente, esta tendencia se ha visto acompañada por movilizaciones ciudadanas que, desde el 15 de mayo de 2011, son manifiestas en numerosos canales y estrategias. El objetivo de este documento es analizar el complejo contexto español desde la propuesta de democracia monitorizada. Los resultados muestran que en años recientes se han consolidado los procesos de escrutinio público mediante una serie de iniciativas ciudadanas. El estudio ofrece un análisis en profundidad de las principales características de los casos e iniciativas de monitorización más notables, y reflexiona también sobre su potencial democratizador

Cajoling or coercing: would electoral engineering resolve the young citizen–state disconnect?

The relationships between citizens and their states are undergoing significant stresses across advanced liberal democracies. In Britain, this disconnect is particularly evident amongst young citizens. This article considers whether different electoral engineering methods - designed either to cajole or compel youth to vote - might arrest the decline in their political engagement. Data collected in 2011 from a national survey of 1,025 British 18 year olds and from focus groups involving 86 young people, reveal that many young people claim that they would be more likely to vote in future elections if such electoral reforms were implemented. However, it is questionable whether or not such increased electoral participation would mean that they would feel truly connected to the democratic process. In particular, forcing young people to vote through the introduction of compulsory voting may actually serve to reinforce deepening resentments, rather than engage them in a positive manner

Rethinking Radical Democracy

Over the course of three decades, vocabularies of radical democracy have pressed their stamp on democratic thought. Trading on the intuition that there is more to democracy than elections, they have generated critical insights into the important role that practices of pluralisation and critique play in bettering institutional politics. As a result, few would today deny the radical democratic contribution to democratic thought. What many might question, however, is its continuing traction. The paper probes this question, focusing on the nuanced place of democracy in contemporary radical work. It grapples with the difficulties that this poses for radical democrats and it suggests that a way of overcoming these difficulties – that threaten to undermine the coherence of radical democracy – is to rethink and reconstruct the distinctiveness of its vocabulary. The paper attempts such a reconstruction. It develops the idea of the promissory rule of the many and it discusses the ways it rejuvenates broader democratic thought

Randomized trial to compare the efficacy and toxicity of cyclophosphamide, methotrexate and 5-fluorouracil (CMF) with methotrexate mitoxantrone (MM) in advanced carcinoma of the breast

One hundred and sixteen patients with locally advanced or metastatic breast cancer were randomized to receive CMF (cyclophosphamide 600 mg m−2 day 1 and 8 i.v., 5-fluorouracil 600 mg m−2 day 1 and 8 i.v.,, methotrexate 40 mg m−2 day 1 and 8 i.v., monthly for 6 cycles) or MM (methotrexate 30 mg m−2, mitoxantrone 6.5 mg m−2, both i.v. day 1 3-weekly for 8 cycles) as first line treatment with chemotherapy. Objective responses occurred in 17 patients out of 58 (29%) who received CMF and nine out of 58 (15%) who received MM; 95% confidence interval for difference in response rates (–1%–29%), P = 0.07. No statistically significant differences were seen in overall survival or time to progression between the two regimes although a tendency towards a shorter progression time on the MM regime must be acknowledged. There was, however, significantly reduced haematological toxicity (P < 0.001) and alopecia (P < 0.001) and fewer dose reductions and delays in patients randomized to MM. No statistically significant differences were seen between the two regimes in terms of quality of life (QOL). However, some association between QOL and toxicity was apparent overall with pooled QOL estimates tending to indicate a worsening in psychological state with increasing maximum toxicity over treatment. Despite the fact that results surrounding response rates and time to progression did not reach statistical significance, their possible compatibility with an improved outcome on CMF treatment must be borne in mind. However, MM is a well-tolerated regimen with fewer side-effects than CMF, which with careful patient management and follow-up, therefore, may merit consideration as a first-line treatment to palliate patients with metastatic breast cancer who are infirm or elderly. © 1999 Cancer Research Campaig

The democratic interface: technology, political organization, and diverging patterns of electoral representation

Democracies are experiencing historic disruptions affecting how people engage with core institutions such as the press, civil society organizations, parties, and elections. These processes of citizen interaction with institutions operate as a democratic interface shaping self-government and the quality of public life. The electoral dimension of the interface is important, as its operation can affect all others. This analysis explores a growing left-right imbalance in the electoral connection between citizens, parties, elections, and government. This imbalance is due, in part, to divergent left-right preferences for political engagement, organization, and communication. Support on the right for clearer social rules and simpler moral, racial and nationalist agendas are compatible with hierarchical, leader-centered party organizations that compete more effectively in elections. Parties on the left currently face greater challenges engaging citizens due to the popular meta-ideology of diversity and inclusiveness and demands for direct or deliberative democracy. What we term connective parties are developing technologies to perform core organizational functions, and some have achieved electoral success. However, when connective parties on the left try to develop shared authority processes, online and offline, they face significant challenges competing with more conventionally organized parties on the right

Minimal information about T cell assays: the process of reaching the community of T cell immunologists in cancer and beyond

Many assays to evaluate the nature, breadth, and quality of antigen-specific T cell responses are currently applied in human medicine. In most cases, assay-related protocols are developed on an individual laboratory basis, resulting in a large number of different protocols being applied worldwide. Together with the inherent complexity of cellular assays, this leads to unnecessary limitations in the ability to compare results generated across institutions. Over the past few years a number of critical assay parameters have been identified which influence test performance irrespective of protocol, material, and reagents used. Describing these critical factors as an integral part of any published report will both facilitate the comparison of data generated across institutions and lead to improvements in the assays themselves. To this end, the Minimal Information About T Cell Assays (MIATA) project was initiated. The objective of MIATA is to achieve a broad consensus on which T cell assay parameters should be reported in scientific publications and to propose a mechanism for reporting these in a systematic manner. To add maximum value for the scientific community, a step-wise, open, and field-spanning approach has been taken to achieve technical precision, user-friendliness, adequate incorporation of concerns, and high acceptance among peers. Here, we describe the past, present, and future perspectives of the MIATA project. We suggest that the approach taken can be generically applied to projects in which a broad consensus has to be reached among scientists working in fragmented fields, such as immunology. An additional objective of this undertaking is to engage the broader scientific community to comment on MIATA and to become an active participant in the project

Surrogate markers and survival in women receiving first-line combination anthracycline chemotherapy for advanced breast cancer

Surrogate markers may help predict the effects of first-line treatment on survival. This metaregression analysis examines the relationship between several surrogate markers and survival in women with advanced breast cancer after receiving first-line combination anthracycline chemotherapy 5-fluorouracil, adriamycin and cyclophosphamide (FAC) or 5-fluorouracil, epirubicin and cyclophosphamide (FEC) . From a systematic literature review, we identified 42 randomised trials. The surrogate markers were complete or partial tumour response, progressive disease and time to progression. The treatment effect on survival was quantified by the hazard ratio. The treatment effect on each surrogate marker was quantified by the odds ratio (or ratio of median time to progression). The relationship between survival and each surrogate marker was assessed by a weighted linear regression of the hazard ratio against the odds ratio. There was a significant linear association between survival and complete or partial tumour response (P<0.001, R2=34%), complete tumour response (P=0.02, R2=12%), progressive disease (P<0.001, R2=38%) and time to progression (P<0.0001, R2=56%); R2 is the proportion of the variability in the treatment effect on survival that is explained by the treatment effect on the surrogate marker. Time to progression may be a useful surrogate marker for predicting survival in women receiving first-line anthracycline chemotherapy and could be used to estimate the survival benefit in future trials of first-line chemotherapy compared to FAC or FEC. The other markers, tumour response and progressive disease, were less good

Hypoxia and oxidative stress in breast cancer: Oxidative stress: its effects on the growth, metastatic potential and response to therapy of breast cancer

Reactive oxygen species (ROS) damage DNA, but the role of ROS in breast carcinoma may not be limited to the mutagenic activity that drives carcinoma initiation and progression. Carcinoma cells in vitro and in vivo are frequently under persistent oxidative stress. In the present review, we outline potential causes of oxygen radical generation within carcinoma cells and explore the possible impact of oxidative stress on the clinical outcome of breast carcinoma