Anonymity in Online Discussions: Who does it, why and to what end?

A research paper by Kioko Ireri, lecturer at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, USIU-AEmploying the framework of uses and gratifications theory, this study considers the phenomenon of anonymous online commenting. Specifically, we begin building a profile of those who comment anonymously online. In addition, we ask online users how much confidence they have in anonymous comments, as well as whether their online commenting habits would change if required to provide truthful information about their identities. Findings suggest half of all online users post comments anonymously and that those who do are motivated by fears about negative reactions to their posts. Meanwhile, both those who do post comments anonymously and those who do not indicate they view anonymous comments as less trustworthy than those associated with real identities. Finally, people who comment online the most frequently report they would resist any requirement to provide identifying information about themselves, choosing instead not to comment at all. Implications of these findings are discussed

News from Tripoli, Benghazi, Brega and Misrata: How Al-Jazeera and BBC Online News Framed the Libyan Revolution

A conference paper presented at the 2012 AEJMC CONFERENCE Chicago, Illinois by Kioko Ireri, lecturer at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, USIU-A.The purpose of this research, which focuses on the framing of the 2011 Libyan Revolution on Al-Jazeera and BBC online news, is fourfold. First, it examines the use of the human interest frame on BBC and Al-Jazeera English news sites before and after the adoption of Resolution 1973, which paved the way for military intervention in the Libyan crisis. Second, the study investigates the prevalence of four media frames on the two sites - anti-war, attribution of responsibility, human interest, and military. Third, the study examines significant variations in the use of anti-war frame and military frames between the media outlets. Fourth, it investigates the type of sources attributed to the news about the Libyan Revolution, and whether the sources were linked to particular news frames. Results indicate an overall significant variation in the use of the human interest frame between the periods, pre-and-post Resolution 1973. In the prevalence of media frames, it is the military frame, which was the most occurring news frame. Whereas there was no significant variation in the use of anti-war frame between the two sites, the variation in the use of the military frame was significant. For source prevalence, it is the foreign leaders who were frequently quoted in news, followed by journalists. Moreover, such sources as civilians, Gaddafi leadership, journalists, military officials, NATO officials, and rebels were highly associated with the military frame. On the other hand, sources from foreign leaders, NGOs, United Nations, and other were linked to the human interest frame

Kenyan Journalists: A Study of Demographics, Job Satisfaction, News Values and Perceived Autonomy

A conference paper presented at the 2012 AEJMC CONFERENCE Chicago, Illinois by Kioko Ireri, lecturer at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, USIU-A.This study strived to examine the situation of Kenyan journalism in the 21st century. A total of 96 Kenyan journalists were surveyed so as to understand their demographic backgrounds, job satisfaction, working conditions, and the use of technology. Their perceptions on journalistic ethics, journalistic freedoms, and forces which influence their work were also explored. Results show that 69.7% of those surveyed were satisfied with their jobs, with income being the main predictor of job satisfaction. More male journalists were satisfied with their jobs than their female counterparts. While newsroom gatekeepers were found instrumental in deciding news content, media owners followed by advertisers were perceived as the main threats to journalistic freedoms. Almost half of the surveyed journalists work in print media, and slightly over three quarters work in privately-owned media organizations. A majority of respondents said corruption was deeply entrenched in the Kenyan journalism. Moreover, 96% of respondents had formal training in journalism

Do They Preach Water But Drink Wine? Examining “The Corruption Dragon” in Kenyan Journalism

A journal Article by Dr. Kioko Ireri, an Assistant Professor in the School of Humanities in USIU- AfricaThis was a national survey conducted in 2012–2013 (N = 504) that examined the prevalence of corruption in journalism practice in Kenya. Findings show that a majority of respondents (74%) believe that corruption is rife in Kenyan media. Nearly 46% of Kenyan journalists learned the art of corruption through the source–journalist relationship, followed by the legacy inherited from older generations (20.3%). Cash money (40%) is the most common form of corruption—and politicians are the top bribe-givers to local journalists, followed by businesspeople. More than 77% of Kenyan journalists say corruption in the local media compromises objective journalism. Professionalism goes hand in hand with high ethical standards. Ethics ensure that people practicing a particular profession are allowed to discern what is morally right from what is morally wrong without being policed to do so (Nwabueze, 2010 Nwabueze, C. (2010). Brown envelopes and the need for ethical re-orientation: Perceptions of Nigerian journalists. African Communication Research, 3(3), 497–521. ). Therefore, similar to other professions, journalism around the world operates under parameters of ethical requirements and standards. Journalistic ethics is an important pillar in the journalism profession across nations. Similarly, journalistic ethics has remained a central strand in research on the professional norms of journalists around the world (e.g., Elahi, 2013 Elahi, M. (2013). “They are not different from others”: Ethical practices and corruption in Bangladesh journalism. Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 28(3), 189–202. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] ; Hasty, 2005 Hasty, J. (2005). Sympathetic magic/contagious corruption: Sociality, democracy, and the press in Ghana. Public Culture, 17(3), 339–369. [CrossRef], [Web of Science ®] ; Kasoma, 2009 Kasoma, T. (2009). Development reporting as a crumbling tower? Impact of brown envelope journalism on journalistic practice in Zambia and Ghana. Global Media Journal African Edition, 3(1), 18–32. ; McMane, 2012 McMane, A. (2012). The French journalist. In D. Weaver & L. Willnat (Eds.), The global journalist in the 21st century (pp. 187–204). New York, NY: Routledge ; Mwesige, 2004 Mwesige, P. (2004). Disseminators, advocates and watchdogs: A profile of Ugandan journalists in the new millennium. Journalism, 5(1), 69–96. [CrossRef] ; Raeymaeckers et al., 2012 Raeymaeckers, K., Paulussen, S., & De Keyser, J. (2012). A Survey of professional journalists in Flanders (Belgium). In D. Weaver & L. Willnat (Eds.), The global journalist in the 21st century (pp. 141–154). New York, NY: Routledge. ). However, journalistic ethics is a multifaceted topic with multiple dimensions and definitions in different social, cultural, and political settings. While multiple unethical behaviors characterize the practice of Kenyan journalism and African journalism by extension, corruption is viewed as one of the chief threats to journalistic ethics, with adverse repercussions on objective reporting. Therefore, it is not an understatement to say that nothing compromises journalistic independence in Kenyan and African journalism more than corruption and bribery. A plethora of research has shown that the practice of journalism in most of African nations is primarily characterized by corruption in the form of cash-for-story, freebies, bribery, and extortion (e.g., Dirbaba, 2010 Dirbaba, B. (2010). The growing influence of bribery in Ethiopian journalism. African Communication Research, 3(3), 475–496. ; Ekeanyanwu & Obianingwe, 2009 Ekeanyanwu, N., & Obianigwe, N. (2009). Perception of Lagos-based journalists on brown envelope syndrome in the coverage of news events in Nigeria. International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Review, 1(1), 204–220. ; Kasoma, 2007 Kasoma, T. (2007). Brown envelope journalism and professionalism in development reporting: A comparison of Zambia and Ghana. Doctoral dissertation, University of Oregon, Eugene. ; Mpagze & White, 2010 Mpagze, D., & White, R. (2010). Tanzanian journalists’ ambivalent perception of their ethics: A ‘Jekyll and Hyde’ occupation. African Communication Research, 3(3), 543–576. ; Nwabueza, 2010 Nwabueze, C. (2010). Brown envelopes and the need for ethical re-orientation: Perceptions of Nigerian journalists. African Communication Research, 3(3), 497–521. ; Ronning, 2005 Ronning, H. (2005). African journalism and the struggle for democratic media. In H. de Burgh (Ed.), Making journalists (pp. 157–180). New York, NY: Routledge. ). Thus, in 2010, recognizing the importance of this issue, African Communication Research produced a special edition dedicated to the topic of bribery and corruption in African journalism. Corruption in Kenya is widespread in institutions and culture alike. Transparency International (2013 Transparency International. (2013). Corruption perceptions index 2012. Retrieved from http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2012/results/ ) ranks Kenya as 38th out of 176 of the most corrupt nations. This national survey of Kenyan journalists examines the prevalence of corruption in the local media and the implications of this vice on the practice of journalism in Kenya. Specifically, the present study investigates five important aspects of corruption among Kenyan journalists: (a) journalists’ perception of how common corruption is in the local media, (b) the major sources of corruption orientation among Kenyan journalists, (c) the major bribe-givers to Kenyan journalists, (d) the major forms of corruption in Kenyan journalism, and (e) whether corruption among Kenyan journalists affects objective reporting. The present study is significant because a closer look at how Kenyan journalists evaluate corruption among themselves will help to understand the extent of the vice among local media. This will help assess how much influence corruption might have on the work of Kenyan news people, and especially whether the vice compromises objective reporting, an important principle in the practice of journalism around the world. In theory, corruption is arguably among the strongest extramedia influences on Kenyan journalism. It is important to note that despite the high prevalence of corruption in the Kenyan culture (see Transparency International, 2013 Transparency International. (2013). Corruption perceptions index 2012. Retrieved from http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2012/results/ , 2014 Transparency International. (2014). Corruption perceptions index 2014: Results. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/cpi2014/results ) to date, no research has been done to establish how common this unethical practice is in the local media. At the same time, although this topic has been explored in other African countries such as Ethiopia (Dirbaba, 2010 Dirbaba, B. (2010). The growing influence of bribery in Ethiopian journalism. African Communication Research, 3(3), 475–496. ), Nigeria (Ekeanyanwu & Obianingwe, 2009 Ekeanyanwu, N., & Obianigwe, N. (2009). Perception of Lagos-based journalists on brown envelope syndrome in the coverage of news events in Nigeria. International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Review, 1(1), 204–220. ), Cameroon (Ndangam, 2006 Ndangam, L. (2006). “Gombo”: Bribery and the corruption of journalism ethics in Cameroon. Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies, 27(2), 179–199. [Taylor & Francis Online] ), and Ghana (Kasoma, 2009 Kasoma, T. (2009). Development reporting as a crumbling tower? Impact of brown envelope journalism on journalistic practice in Zambia and Ghana. Global Media Journal African Edition, 3(1), 18–32. ), to name a few, no research evidence exists that captures the corruption levels among Kenyan journalists. Thus, one of the objectives of the present study is to narrow this research gap. In addition, the findings from this research will be of much importance to media organizations, media managers, journalists, journalism scholars, the media industry in Kenya, and anticorruption bodies such as the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission of Kenya. For example, Kenyan media organizations could use the results to plan how to address the severity of the vice among their editorial staff. Similarly, media managers could use the findings to address the root causes of this ethical problem, and interrogate or mediate its effect on the norms of objectivity in journalism profession. Moreover, Kenyan journalists could use the results to gain useful insights into how their indulgence in corruption taints the image of the journalism profession. This is important because the involvement of journalists in corruptive acts means that they are “less likely to be in the forefront of promoting social and political change and more likely to be advocates of the status quo “(Shafer, 1990 Shafer, R. (1990). Greasing the newsgate: The journalist on the take in the Philippines. Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 5(1), 15–29. [Taylor & Francis Online] , p. 16). Last, media scholars could use the results to evaluate how corruption in Kenyan journalism compares with other nations

Comparing Agenda-Setting Roles of Newspaper Columnists and Editorials in Kenya

A conference paper presented at the 2012 AEJMC CONFERENCE Chicago, Illinois by Kioko Ireri, lecturer at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, USIU-A.This research compares the agenda-setting roles of newspaper columnists and editorials in Kenya. It examines whether three newspaper columnists and editorials set the agenda on issues of national importance in 2008 and 2009. This was done by investigating whether there were any associations between issues given prominence in the opinion columns and editorials and what Kenyans, through public opinion polls, considered as the “most important problem” facing the country. The agendas of the columnists and editorials were also compared and investigated. Results show that there were no positive correlations between the agendas of the columnists and the public and between the agendas of the editorials and the public in 2008 and 2009. But there were moderate-positive and high-positive correlations when the agendas for columnists and editorials were matched and compared

A Study of Newspaper Columnists’ Framing of Kenyan Politics in Post-2007 Election Violence

An article by Kioko Ireri, lecturer at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, USIU-AThis research investigates the prevalence of five media frames in op-ed articles published in Kenya’s Sunday Nation newspaper: attribution of responsibility, conflict, economic consequences, human interest and international interest. Through the lens of the attribution of responsibility frame, the study examines who, between President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga, was blamed for problems facing Kenya. How the two leaders were framed – positively or negatively – was also analysed. In total, 90 opinion column articles were content analysed in the 18-month period following the formation of Kenya’s Grand Coalition Government in 2008. The results show that the conflict frame was the most prevalent, followed by international interest, attribution of responsibility, economic consequences and human interest. Kibaki was blamed more, and thus framed more negatively, than Odinga

Why Al-Jazeera Walks the Contra-Flow Tightrope

An article by Kioko Ireri, lecturer at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, USIU-A.This paper examines within the realm of news media, handicaps likely to hamper a specific contra-flow venture. To dissect these handicaps or challenges, I use Arabic network, Al-Jazeera as a typical example of the media theory of contra-flow. This will help in understanding the network’s experience in challenging the Western media monopoly in the field of news production and dissemination. Contra-flow is born out of the fact that there exists a huge information imbalance between the North and the South. This imbalance is tilted in favor of the North, because there is more information trickling from developed nations to the so-called peripheral nations

Newspaper Visibility of Members of Parliament in Kenya

A journal article by Kioko Ireri, lecturer at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, USIU-A.This research investigates variables that predicted news coverage of 212 members of parliament (MPs) in Kenya by four national newspapers in 2009. The 10 variables examined are: ordinary MP, cabinet minister, powerful ministry, parliamentary committee chairmanship, seniority, big tribe identity, major party affiliation, presidential ambition, commenting on contentious issues, and criticizing government. Findings indicate that commenting on contentious issues, criticizing government, cabinet minister, ordinary MP, powerful ministry, and seniority significantly predicted visibility of the parliamentarians in newspaper news. However, a multiple regression analysis shows that the strongest predictors are commenting on contentious issues, cabinet minister, criticizing government, and big tribe identity. While commenting on controversial issues was the strongest predictor, major party identification and committee leadership were found not to predict MPs’ visibility

Nonverbal Communication: an Analysis of “Defining Moments” on Television in American Politics

A research paper by Kioko Ireri, lecturer at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, USIU-AThis paper examines the power of nonverbal communication which is less considered in political communication research . Using a focus group, I investigated the pattern of themes emerging from discussions after participants watched clip s about “defining moments” in presidential election debates involving John F. Kennedy vs. Richard Nixon (1960) ; Ronald Reagan vs. Walter Mondale (1984) ; Sarah Palin (2008) ; and Hillary Clinton (2008) . Th ree themes emerging from this study such as “ poor articulation of is sues as a sign of incompetence, ” “ shiftiness as a sign of distrust, ” and “ emotion as sign in political inappropriateness ” give a better understanding of the role of nonve rbal communication in politics whose driving force is television . T his paper also attempts to narrow the existing research gap between verbal and nonverbal communications

Book Review: Journalism and Political Exclusion by Debra M. Clarke

A Journal Article by Dr. Kioko Ireri, an Assistant Professor of Journalism in the School of Science and Technology in USIU- Afric