THE DILEMMA OF RECURRENT INSURGENCY THE SECURITY SITUATION IN NIGERIA: BOKO HARAM IN PERSPECTIVE

A number of studies have reviewed the Nigerian Government and military strategy and quest to defeat the dreaded islamist militant known as Boko Haram vis-à-vis the claims of Boko Haram defeat and the seeming inability to contain the threats posed by members of the sect. Drawing references from scholarly articles, electronic channels, and other commissioned reports, the paper explains why despite the rise in security budget from about US$1.44 billion in 2009 to US2.81 billion in 2018, military-led counterinsurgency operation in Nigeria still faces some notable challenges. The paper further examines why Nigeria appears to be losing the war against Boko Haram, in contrast to its military expenditure and capabilities including its modest strides in Liberia and Sierra Leone. The study argues that Nigeria's inability to contain the Boko Haram insurgency can be sited within the context of its homegrown systemic challenges; particularly, the politicisation of its national security. It therefore contends that a thorough overhaul of the military counterinsurgency operations at all levels is necessary for a more effective and accountable force capable of defeating Boko Haram insurgency.В статье исследуется исторический опыт борьбы правительства Нигерии против террористической исламистской организации, известной как Боко Харам. Авторы освещают политическую и военную стратегию властей страны, показывают проблемы и трудности противодействия терроризму на фоне кажущейся неспособности сдержать угрозы, исходящие от членов данной секты. На основе научных статей, материалов СМИ, документов объясняется, почему, несмотря на увеличение бюджета безопасности с 1,44 млрд. долларов США в 2009 году до 2,81 млрд. долларов США в 2018 году, операции против повстанцев, проводившиеся военными Нигерии все еще не принесли ожидаемых результатов. В статье предложена авторская трактовка, объясняющая почему Нигерия, похоже, проигрывает войну против «Боко Харам», на фоне роста ее военных расходов и возможностей, включая ее скромные успехи в Либерии и Сьерра-Леоне. В исследовании утверждается, что неспособность Нигерии сдержать повстанческое движение «Боко Харам» может быть связана с ее внутренними системными проблемами, в частности, с политизацией вопросов национальной безопасности. Авторы полагают, что для создания более эффективных и подотчетных сил, способных победить повстанческое движение «Боко Харам» необходим тщательный анализ военных операций против нее на всех уровнях

DOMINO THEORY FOR THE PROMULGATION OF INSTABILITY IN THE SAHEL REGION: POST GADHAFI ERA IN PERSPECTIVE

The paper models post M. Gadhafi spread of instability in the Sahel region through the lens of "domino theory". It offers a useful scale for analysing socio-cultural and environmental dynamics that transcend national boundaries, such as spread of insurgency and instability across national frontiers. It examines effect of the fall of Gaddafi regime and its consequential spread of instability, particularly it effects in the Sahel region, evident in Mali, Niger and Nigeria. Methodologically, it employs the use of descriptive analysis relying solely on secondary information for data generation and analysis. It concludes that as long as level of insecurity and instability is high, any project towards development will be hampered

Securitisation initiatives and the lingering security challenges in Sub-Saharan Sahel region: An appraisal

Security in the Sahel region has traditionally been studied through a realist prism, emphasising military concerns and the pre-eminent influence of great powers in shaping local security concerns. The paper reviews the securitisation initiatives in Africa's Sahel. It specifically explores Buzan and Waever's ‘securitisation' framework to re-evaluate securitising discourse and the contemporary initiatives of the EU, France and the U.S.A. in the Sahelian States. Its main observation is that the central security actors in the Sahel have over the years paid less attention to the securitisation of threats in the region. The paper provides indicators of successful securitisation, which includes but goes beyond speech acts. It underscores the reality that though the securitisation of Africa's Sahel has helped to legitimise the ‘war on terrorism', it has very little to offer for Africa’s development problems. The paper posits that securitisation, though a laudable initiative, does not sufficiently address root causes of terrorism, which are not military but social and economic. It thus recommends a holistic approach to addressing the security challenges in the Sahel; which must include: providing increased safe access for those who want to work in the West while also assisting to create economic prospects and opportunities in the region. © 2021 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

Conceptualisation of regional instability in Sahel: modelling ABM–AfriLand-Rebel Approach

This paper models domestic (internal) and cross-border dynamics of instability through the lens of ‘ABM modelling–AfriLand-Rebel’. It examines the post-Gaddafi Libya and its export of instability in the region. It gives a useful balance of analysis on socio-cultural and environmental dynamics which transcend national boundaries, such as the influx and out-flux of refugee flows, insurgency, transnational conflict and crime in the Sahel. It examines the broader regional implications of conflict due to refugee flows, proliferation of weapons and spill over effects of insecurity. Methodologically, it employs the use of descriptive analysis relying solely on secondary information for data generation and analysis. The paper therefore posits that ensuring future stability in the region would require investments in education, infrastructure, poverty alleviation and good governance initiatives, all of which are critical to addressing the broader causes and spread of insecurity and violent extremism in the Sahel region. © 2020 The Institute of Social and Economic Research

Возмещение морального ущерба Африке: на примере Бенинского царства (Нигерия)

The paper offered a review of Africa’s moral call for reparation. It emphasized among other things that the continued underdevelopment and marginalization of the African continent today, is not unconnected with the trilogy of slavery, imperialism and colonialism. From the perspective of the British expedition of the Great Benin Kingdom in 1897, the paper highlighted how the African continent had been brutalized to strengthen the economies of their colonial overlords. The paper anchored its call for reparation on the premise that, reparation is not only recognized in international law, it has been paid to countries of the world whose dehumanizing experiences are not even as pathetic as those of Africa’s over 500 years of abject treatment, damages and destruction occasioned by slavery, imperialism and colonialism. It unveiled also the scholarly argument opposed to reparation. The work thus proposes that reparations from the western countries to Africa should be on cooperative and partnership basis. This should be in favour of development through deliberate international efforts in recompensing Africa for all the ills visited on her by the west.В данной статье предлагается анализ призыва Африки к возмещению морального ущерба. В ней, среди прочего, подчеркивается, что продолжающееся отставание в развитии и маргинализация Африканского континента на сегодняшний день связаны, в том числе с наследием рабства, империализма и колониализма. На примере британской экспедиции в Бенинское царство в 1897 г. авторы данного исследования делают вывод, что Африканский континент подвергся жестокому обращению ради укрепления экономик метрополий. В ней также проводится анализ репараций, которые не только признаются международным правом, но и выплачиваются ряду пострадавших стран, которые не испытывали столь длительного и бесчеловечного обращения, как Африка на протяжении более 500 лет, долгих лет ущерба и разрушения, вызванных рабством, империализмом и колониализмом. Также в статье рассмотрены точки зрения, которые отрицают идею о возмещении ущерба. Авторы приходят к выводу, что репарации западных стран Африканскому континенту должны осуществляться на основе сотрудничества и партнерства. Это должно идти на пользу развитию африканских стран и реализовываться путем продуманных международных усилий по компенсации

In Quest of African IR Theories: Panafricanism and National Ideologies, Critical Theories or Postcolonial Studies?

Using the results of the 2017–2018 survey of international scholars from nine countries of Sub-Saharan Africa, Peoples' Friendship University of Russia draws preliminary conclusions about the dominant theoretical approaches in the African international studies academic community. The authors further elaborate on the prospects for conceptualizing African approaches to international relations through the prism of each of the theories outlined. Particular attention is paid to critical theories, especially neo-Marxism in its various interpretations. A special focus is placed on the growing intellectual competition between Western critical thought and critical directions that are widespread in Russia and China. A particular difference in this regard lies in the perception of China's role in Africa. The authors also question the non-Western nature of postcolonial theories and address the difficult dilemma faced by African international studies scholars—to leave their home country for leading Western universities and receive modern education in international relations, partially breaking away from their roots, or to remain patriotic to their country but stay excluded from international academic discourse. Finally, the article examines the issue of reparations for years of slavery as one of the radical ideological foundations of African IR studies

In Quest of African IR Theories: Panafricanism and National Ideologies, Critical Theories or Postcolonial Studies?

Using the results of the 2017–2018 survey of international scholars from nine countries of Sub-Saharan Africa, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia draws preliminary conclusions about the dominant theoretical approaches in the African international studies academic community. The authors further elaborate on the prospects for conceptualizing African approaches to international relations through the prism of each of the theories outlined. Particular attention is paid to critical theories, especially neo-Marxism in its various interpretations. A special focus is placed on the growing intellectual competition between Western critical thought and critical directions that are widespread in Russia and China. A particular difference in this regard lies in the perception of China’s role in Africa. The authors also question the non-Western nature of postcolonial theories and address the difficult dilemma faced by African international studies scholars—to leave their home country for leading Western universities and receive modern education in international relations, partially breaking away from their roots, or to remain patriotic to their country but stay excluded from international academic discourse. Finally, the article examines the issue of reparations for years of slavery as one of the radical ideological foundations of African IR studies. © 2021, The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG

Соперничество Нигерии и ЮАР за статус региональной державы: от материального потенциала до членства в Совете Безопасности ООН

The paper explores the role and the power potential of Nigeria and South Africa with special attention to their comparatively high military, economic, political capabilities that enable them to shape and dominate regional agenda. It also analyses the internal, regional and external dynamics within Africa, particularly in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Southern African Development Community (SADC). The paper further thoroughly examines the hegemonic contest for the UN Security Council membership among the dominant African states through the lens of Ezulwini Consensus, as well as the Pan-African credentials of Nigeria and South Africa in accordance to their contribution to ensuring peace, stability and development on continental and sub-regional levels. Nigeria and South Africa are the most important actors on the African continent, but there are obvious constraints undermining their ability to play an effective regional role. Thus, the research was guided by the comparison case-study of Nigeria and South Africa in crucial for understanding power potential areas. The study concludes that although Pan-Africanism stands of Nigeria and South Africa are commendable, both powers mostly follow this strategy for advancing their national interests. Taking into account the whole set of internal and external factors, both countries need to unite their efforts and practical strategies to advance the common goal of Africa development, peace and security.В статье сопоставляются роль и потенциал Нигерии и Южной Африки, особенно их сравнительно высокие показатели в военной, экономической, политической сферах, что позволяет обоим государствам формировать и существенно воздействовать на региональную повестку. Авторы рассматривают внутреннюю и региональную динамику Африки преимущественно в рамках региональных интеграционных группировок Экономическое сообщество стран Западной Африки (ЭКОВАС) и Сообщество развития Юга Африки (САДК), а также воздействие внешних факторов на ситуацию в регионе. В работе оцениваются возможности и амбиции крупных африканских государств на членство в Совете Безопасности ООН в контексте общей африканской позиции, известной как «Консенсус Эзулвини», а также панафриканские инициативы Нигерии и Южной Африки в соответствии с их вкладом в обеспечение мира, стабильности и развития на континентальном и субрегиональном уровнях. Нигерия и Южная Африка являются наиболее важными акторами на Африканском континенте. Вместе с тем ведущие региональные державы сталкиваются с объективными ограничениями, подрывающими их потенциал и возможности в эффективной реализации своего лидерства. Исследование было проведено преимущественно на основе сравнительного анализа опыта Нигерии и Южной Африки, в частности показателей, ключевых для определения потенциала государств. В исследовании подчеркивается, что хотя панафриканские амбиции Нигерии и Южной Африки заслуживают одобрения, обе державы продвигают данную стратегию исходя из собственных национальных интересов. Учитывая внутренние и внешние факторы, обеим странам необходимо объединить свои усилия и практические стратегии для достижения общей цели развития, мира и безопасности в Африке

EDUCATION AS A VIABLE SOFT POWER INITIATIVE IN NIGERIA'S FOREIGN POLICY IMPLEMENTATION: THE NIGERIAN FOREIGN SERVICE ACADEMY AS A CASE STUDY

The paper examines education as an instrument of soft power. It offers the Nigeria's Foreign Service Academy (FSA) as useful instrument for analysing geopolitical and soft power dynamics which influence and attraction transcend national boundaries, with the aim of ensuring peaceful coexistence across national frontiers. It examines Nigeria's Afrocentric posture in Africa and its effects particularly on Nigerian citizens abroad. Methodologically, it employs the use of descriptive analysis relying solely on secondary information for data generation and analysis. It concludes that, it would be of Nigeria's interest to train selected diplomats and young leaders in Africa at the FSA on a short-term basis, by extension provides the needed opportunity for Nigeria to transport and impact ideas of African unity, as well as serve as viable channel for transmitting Nigeria's national interest in ensuring Africa's unity and the value of peace and stability in Africa to young African diplomats/leader