Re-inventing society: state concepts of knowledge in Germany and Singapore

Different concepts of knowledge and the ways they are valued have influence on the politics of research and development, information, arts, and culture in various countries. In a time when knowledge increasingly gains importance for economic and social development, these concepts of knowledge, as they are defined within society, are receiving greater attention. State governments worldwide aim for the creation of 'knowledge societies'. At the core of these knowledge-based futures lie particular understandings of knowledge in each country, which determine what kinds of knowledge society are constructed. This paper attempts to grasp the dominant concepts of knowledge in Germany and Singapore as reflected in state activities and budgeting. The data suggest that the dominant concepts of knowledge in both countries differed widely in the past, which was in great part due to the structural realities in each country. Yet in recent times, with the common goals of economic growth and the exposure to global competition, these concepts of knowledge seem to increasingly converge. Adapted from the source document

Defining knowledge in Germany and Singapore: Do the country specific definitions of knowledge converge?

In different countries, dominant definitions of knowledge and information prevail and structure politics, especially in the fields of research and development (R&D), education, arts and culture, and the media. In 1962, for example, Machlup described the country-specific understanding of knowledge in the United States by pointing to the 'idiosyncrasy in favour of the immediately practical and against the general theoretical' (1962: 202). Lane, in 1966, picked this up and concluded: 'The United States has been slow to recognise the importance of scientific knowledge'. Although, in some ways, science grows out of technology, it is often the other way around; even in technology the United States in the 19th Century tended to lag behind Europe' (1966: 652). The arena of who defines, which knowledge and information is produced, disseminated and stored, varies in each country. Yet, the level of pluralism or singularism in defining knowledge is generally related to the degree of democratic or authoritarian rule exercised by each country's government and enabled by its political system. Furthermore, the definition of knowledge is strongly influenced by the structural realities, i.e. political system, historical experiences, economic situation etc. in each country. Consequently, country-specific definitions of knowledge exist, each of which being a unique result of the structural realities and power interplay in the specific country. In order to shed further light on these hypotheses, this paper focuses on the definitions of knowledge and information prevalent in Germany and Singapore. I ask (a) which types of knowledge and information, together with their production and dissemination, are regarded as valuable and worthy of support and (b) in what way are these definitions of knowledge influenced by the structural realities of those countries. Due to a change in focus regarding the definitions of knowledge in both countries, the former highly differing knowledge definitions have recently become increasingly similar. This leads me to the third question underlying this paper (c): Do the dominant definitions of knowledge in Germany and Singapore converge and is this at all possible with regard to the countries' wide structural differences? The assessment is based on the state fundings for R&D, education and cultural activities (museums, libraries, etc.), as well as statements of interview partners

When the younger generation takes over - Singaporean Chinese family businesses in change

"In line with developments in Southeast Asia, Singapore's society and economy are undergoing rapid changes. This article focuses on how Singaporean Chinese family businesses cope with the challenges of change. I shall begin with an outline of the common characteristics of Chinese family businesses, their evolution, development and change. Based on an intensive study of eight Chinese family businesses in Singapore, I illustrate the changes experienced, ranging from technological, personal, and organisational to managerial, including also changes in marketing strategies. A great number of external and internal factors of change exist, which partly overlap and influence each other. Nevertheless, there is consistency in my findings which show that different upbringings, educational backgrounds, and modes of socialization of the younger generation in the booming economy of modern Singapore are of major relevance for change when inter-generational transfer of ownership takes place." (author's abstract

Knowledge society: vision and social construction of reality in Germany and Singapore

At a time of knowledge becoming increasingly relevant to social and economic development, governments worldwide aim at the creation of country-specific types of k-society, i.e. 'information societies', 'knowledge societies' or 'knowledge-based economies'. This book redraws the processes of constructing k-societies in Germany and Singapore and offers an empirically based definition of k-society which has been missing until now. Based on the conducted research, I argue that k-societies are created by collective actors in society and are not - as often assumed - merely the result or logical consequence of the technological developments in the information and communication sector, the growth of the service industry and the high profit margin of knowledge intensive goods. I empirically focus on the activities of the state as collective actor who massively pursues the creation of k-societies in Germany and Singapore. The remaining subsystems engaged in the construction process - economy, scientific community, civil society and the media – are merely assessed with regard to their influence on state activities. The process of constructing k-societies can be divided into (a) the development of the theoretical, categorically defined concepts of k-society; (b) the construction of a vision of self-emerging k-societies; and (c) the creation of country-specific k-societies as stages of social and economic development. At the beginning of the construction process stands the development of the idea of k-society by the international scientific community. Multiple, categorically-defined concepts of k-society as well as a manifold terminology were developed. The interchangeable use of terms to label the many k-society definitions nevertheless resulted in a rather blurry picture of k-society. Accelerated by the common assumption of the rise of k-societies, this created a fertile ground for the construction of a vision of a self-emerging k-society. This thesis outlines the role of the German and Singaporean governments in creating and utilising this vision. Most political programs which aim at the creation of a k-society as a stage of development justify their existence by pointing to the apparent rise of a k-society that should be monitored. Yet in actual terms, it is these programs that call the envisioned k-society into existence. Consequently, these government programs inherently (re-)define country-specific k-societies. By assessing these procedural definitions of k-society, this thesis offers clarity to what k-societies actually are: they are what they are defined as by the actors creating them. Theoretically this is based on Berger and Luckmann’s theory of the social construction of reality (1984), defining knowledge, as what is regarded as knowledge by society. Germany and Singapore, the countries of investigation, share the commonality of being modern and aiming at developing into k-societies. At the same time, the structural realities of both countries differ markedly which is precondition to the analysis. The wide differences make it possible to show that (a) k-societies are not only created as political idea and stage of development but furthermore (b) the definitions of k-society and the paths taken to create them, highly depend on the structural realities and dominant definitions of knowledge in each country. Consequently, there is not one k-society, but multiple, country-specific k-societies. Nevertheless, the data also illustrate that k-societies do not only vary in different countries but that k-society as construct was in both countries in the beginning clearly an economic and technological programme. But over time, it became more and acts in Germany and even more in Singapore today as economic and technological programme, as well as a new focal point of collective identity offered by the state in order to reduce felt insecurities. As such, the suggested concept of multiple k-societies has to be interpreted within Eisenstadt’s concept of multiple modernities, which leads me to answer the initial question, what k-society actually is by stating: k-society is to the second modernity, the time of multiple modernities what ‘industrial society’ was for the first, western modernity. K-society is a theoretical concept created by academics and scientists. K-society is a vision that legitimises and accelerates action towards its own realisation. K-society is a stage of development in which knowledge forms the center for social, cultural, economic and technologic development. K-society is a new focal point of identity in the second modernity. And finally, k-society is a social construction of reality that will shape our future to come. Empirically, this thesis is based on (a) qualitative expert interviews conducted in Germany and Singapore; (b) a quantitative analysis of the participation of subsystems in commissions and boards of directors; (c) a quantitative analysis of the k-society terminology; as well as (d) a qualitative analysis of government programs, action plans and final reports of government commissions contributing to the construction of k-societies

Envisioning the future, conceptualising public space: Hanoi and Singapore negotiating spaces for negotiation

Southeast Asia, former battleground of opposing ideologies, is increasingly turning to market liberalisation; in Vietnam the vision of a 'socialist-oriented market economy', in Singapore of a 'knowledge society' is pursued. This paper assesses these visions' influence on the local conceptualisations of public space. On Ba Dinh Square/Hanoi, official space is transformed into concrete public space through citizens' negotiation. In Singapore's libraries, the aim to foster knowledge production and creativity results in the construction of spaces for collaborative learning and discussions. Consequently this paper studies the political balancing act between tolerating the voicing of public opinions and upholding authoritarian governance practices by focussing on the conceptualisations of physical and institutional public space and their role in redefining social order

Neutral Pion Production in the Threshold Region

We give an overview of the physics motivation and evolution of the neutral pion photoproduction measurements in the threshold region conducted in the A2 collaboration at MAMI. The latest two experiments have been performed with the almost 4-pi Crystal Ball detector. The first was with a linearly polarized photon beam and unpolarized liquid-hydrogen target. The data analysis is now complete and the linearly polarized beam asymmetry along with differential cross sections provide the most stringent test to date of the predictions of Chiral Perturbation Theory and its energy region of convergence. More recently a measurement was performed using both circularly polarized photons and a transversely polarized butanol frozen-spin target, with the goal of extracting both the target and beam-target asymmetries. From these we intend to extract pi-N scattering sensitive information for the first time in photo-pion reactions. This will be used to test isospin conservation and further test dynamics of chiral symmetry breaking in QCD as calculated at low energies by Chiral Perturbation Theory.Comment: 8 pages, 5 figures, submitted to EPJ Special Topics as part of the proceedings of the Conclusive Symposium of Collaborative Research Centre 44

Waiting for the water to come? Poverty reduction in times of global climate change

It is the poor who suffer most under the impact of climate change. They are often directly dependent on the natural environment and have few options to escape the consequences of change such as poor harvests, water shortages and illness. Their survival strategies and livelihoods are endangered, in some cases acutely. Climate change makes poverty reduction more difficult. First, it is harder to help people out of poverty when conditions are increasingly uncertain: but climate projections are often uncertain, making it difficult to assess the effectiveness of adaptation measures. Second, there is the danger that climate change will reduce more people to poverty, increasing the numbers of those who need assistance while the resources of those tackling poverty are limited. This paper presents the consequences of climate change, the ways climate change is anticipated to develop in future and aspects which make the poor particularly vulnerable. The focus is on the measures people themselves can take to maintain and adapt their livelihood strategies to the changing climate conditions. We show how poverty reduction is linked to climate change, the fundamental goals and criteria of poverty alleviation and concrete examples of how it can include adaptation to climate change impacts. Various case studies from Tanzania, India and Indonesia illustrate in detail how both people’s own adaptation strategies and the work of organisations like CARE can constitute successful reactions to the consequences of climate change. Finally, conclusions are drawn in the form of recommendations for organisations like CARE. Recommendations for organisations on povert y reduction 1. Poverty reduction should prioritize adaptation to changing climatic conditions (not merely coping with them) and be based on existing local strategies. 2. Local knowledge of relations between climate change events and local adaptation options should be systematically included; local populations should also be encouraged to develop their knowledge. 3. However, existing practices as well as new strategies should be critically examined applying five criteria (effectiveness, flexibility, fairness, efficiency and sustainability). 4. Tackling poverty should promote awareness of and independent local adaptation to those climate change impacts which have so far attracted less attention. 5. The actual impacts of climate change are extremely hard to predict. This fact should not be ignored and current projections taken as “certain” when planning adaptation measures. 6. The urgency of adaptation to climate change should not be used to justify measures (such as forced resettlement) without the agreement of the local population. 7. Poverty reduction measures should be realistic and organizations should concentrate their energies, aiming to preserve the poorest people’s general resilience and capacity to act. 8. Profound, broad-based and critical analysis of the extent of climate change impacts and adaptation measures is essential. Common recommendations such as diversifying income have sometimes proved unproductive or counterproductive in tackling poverty