Suala La Kusaidia Jamii

Vipi Kitendo Hiki HujengaMali za Ndani, Uwezo,Uaminifu -- na Kwa Ninini Muhim

Analysis of Hiki : Kinship System of Amami Bilateral Society

The concept of hiki employed by the Amami Islanders, reveals an interesting example of kinship system in a bilateral society.The data of this essay has been collected by myself in Amami Oshima in September-October 1963.Hiki is a set of kin traced bilaterally through both parents.Theoretically ego is a member of four kinds of hiki (cognatic stocks): e. g. those of father\u27s father, of father\u27s mother, of mother\u27s father, and mother\u27s mother.Then after his/her marriage, another set of hiki through the spouse is added, thus making altogether eight hiki.The hiki of the spouse is normally differentiated in terms of en-biki (affinal hiki) from ego\u27s real hiki.The ancestor of each hiki group is normally found at the level of grand-grandparent (either male or female depending on individual cases).For example, father\u27s father\u27s hiki may mean all descendants (through both male and female) of father\u27s father\u27s mother (or father), including the latter\u27s siblings and their descendants.Thus the termination is set ambilaterally.The best example of a hiki composition is shown by the genealogy of Mr. Ijiro Ohara (Genealogy A, B, C, D, E, F and G, attached at the end of the essay: and the key tothe Genealogy is shown in the Diagram II, page 123.).In theory ego has eight kinds of hiki groups, but in reality the number may become less than eight (as seven in Ijiro\u27s case).The following two reasons may be found: one is that a grand parent or grand-grandparent would be an immigrant from the Main Island of Japan, through whom the genealogy is not traceable; and another it that marriages often occur among the members of the same hiki.A hiki is not an exogamous group: marriage is possible between both cross- and parallel-cousins.Owing to the high frequency of marriages among the local people, the majority of one\u27s village people are the members of either ego\u27s hiki or/and en-biki; and those whom one cannot establish any such relations are called chuu or tanin (strangers).The plurarity of hiki to which ego belongs, theoretically sets difficulty for each hiki group to act as an exclusive descent group.In actuality, the function of a hiki as a group differes according to individual cases.One particular hiki may act as a group, taking care of a local shrine, or having a common graveyard, for example, but in such a case, the group may not include the hiki members who reside in other villages.On the part of ego, who may belong to four hiki groups through his parents, one of them would have some functional activites as a group, but other three may remain simply on the level of recognition of the genealogical relations.In general, A particular hiki does not form a functional descent group such as of landholding like in the case of hapu of the Maori described by Raymond Firth.The function of hiki is rather found as a kind of sociological registration of the people, and its network sets a certain basis of social activites.When a man travels, it is his hiki members who offer him meals and accomodation.Also a marriage contract between members of different villages occurs through the channels of hiki relations.The succession of the noro (holy woman), normally one to a village, is confined in the women of a particular hiki.Overlapped with the hiki, there are kindred called kyodee, the range of which is normally set by second cousins, and includes also spouses of ego\u27s siblings, and their siblings.It is the kyodee who assemble on important occasions such as weddings and funerals, and also who render the first help when required.In cotrast to the kyodee, all hiki members rarely assemble together.Closer hiki members to the ego are at the same time ego\u27s kyodee.Hence distant hiki members tend to be ignored in daily life.In actual socio-economic activities, it is the village community, not the hiki which plays the most mportant role as a constant functional group

Implementing the syntax of japanese numeral classifiers

While the sortal constraints associated with Japanese numeral classifiers are wellstudied, less attention has been paid to the details of their syntax. We describe an analysis implemented within a broadcoverage HPSG that handles an intricate set of numeral classifier construction types and compositionally relates each to an appropriate semantic representation, using Minimal Recursion Semantics

Suitability of Capital Allocations for Performance Measurement

Capital allocation principles are used in various contexts in which a risk capital or a cost of an aggregate position has to be allocated among its constituent parts. We study capital allocation principles in a performance measurement framework. We introduce the notation of suitability of allocations for performance measurement and show under different assumptions on the involved reward and risk measures that there exist suitable allocation methods. The existence of certain suitable allocation principles generally is given under rather strict assumptions on the underlying risk measure. Therefore we show, with a reformulated definition of suitability and in a slightly modified setting, that there is a known suitable allocation principle that does not require any properties of the underlying risk measure. Additionally we extend a previous characterization result from the literature from a mean-risk to a reward-risk setting. Formulations of this theory are also possible in a game theoretic setting

Whāriki : beyond simple : an exhibition report presented as partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Māori Visual Arts, Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand

This thesis/exhibition report is an explication of the significance and relationship of Kai rāranga, rāranga whāriki and their relationship with whānau, hapū and iwi. It explores the impetus behind and relationships important in, and to the production of whāriki. Through the exploration of these relationships the necessity for whāriki wānanga throughout Aotearoa and having wānanga as the preferred medium of imparting knowledge pertaining to rāranga whāriki and for continuity in the production of whāriki is emphasised. It touches on the Māori convention of tono that facilitates interaction between the Kai rārangaresearcher and the Kai tono-researched negating the sometimes invasive convention of ethics approval and formalised contractual obligations. It follows the pathway of author and Kai rāranga, Te Hemo Ata Henare’s, coming to be of her mahi whāriki practice. It is an intimate account that extends from function and technique to foundational connectivity to the wider roopu whāriki and those who have preceded us with templates of excellence that recognise the importance of the whakapapa of Māori whakaaro, our epochs and eons of transcendent time and the interconnectedness of all things in and through these patterned processes (Jackson, 2013; Marsden, 2003; Tamanui, 2013). As Karani Sonny Pāpuni said; “…you take this whāriki home with you and then a piece of us will always be with your whānau” (Mate ki Tātahi [Sonny] Pāpuni, personal communication, May 17 1991). A clear objective emerging out of this research exercise was to produce a body of work in the form of an exhibition of whāriki and to produce a pictorial and written explication of the process and praxis of whāriki wānanga. However, through the research process, I was returned; i hoki atu ki te timatatanga ō oku mahi, so I could come to know and be. The theme that emerges through rāranga whāriki is the inseparability and the multiplicity of whakapapa and/or whanaungatanga that the Kai rāranga embodies essential for the continuation of the praxis of rāranga whāriki that can only be described as extraordinarily ‘Beyond Simple’

Mā Te Wai - Ka Piki Ake Te Hauora

This paper researched traditional Māori forms of music therapy focusing on waiata¹ and taonga pūoro² . Linking cultures: collaborative partnerships in music therapy and related disciplines is the main objective of this research. In support, this paper examined past and current Māori practices that aim to heal and promote ‘well-being’ amongst people, thus resulting in linking the Māori culture and therapeutic values and practices in contemporary New Zealan