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    Volume 30, Number 1 - December 1951

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    Volume 30, Number 1 - December 1951. 56 pages including covers and advertisements. Editorial McGowan, Joseph, The Cheat Gough, Chester, About the Weather Manning, John C., Play Construction Gluckman, M. Howard, All Alone Trofi, Vincent C., The Return of Victor Thurber Gluckman, M. Howard, The Commuters Boudreau, Bernard, What For? Griffin, Henry, Folio Griffin, Henry, Ripe Limes Hung Crinkled Griffin, Henry, A Song of Sadness Griffin, Henry, An Impressio

    Toxic Masculinity in Henry V

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    Toxic masculinity motivates the characters and plot of Henry V by William Shakespeare. The play revolves around King Henry V and how he is a model leader of England during the Hundred Years War. Henry uses what a “true” man should be to inspire his soldiers when morale is low. Further, manlihood is seen in the characters or lack thereof. Characters that fail to follow the high expectations of masculinity are killed. Audience members recognize the importance of masculinity throughout the play, although the outcomes of those stereotypes are dangerous seen in the superficial friendships and suppression of authentic self

    Continental women mystics and English readers

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    In 1406 Sir Henry later Lord Fitzhugh, trusted servant of King Henry IV, visited Vadstena, the Bridgettine monastery for men and women in Sweden. Vadstena was the mother-house of the Order of the Most Holy Saviour and had been founded by the controversial continental mystic St Bridget of Sweden, who had died in 1373 and had been canonized in Fitzhugh was so impressed by what he saw that he gave one of his manors near Cambridge as the future site for an English Bridgettine foundation. It was not until 1415 that Henry V, son of Henry IV, laid the foundation-stone of Syon Abbey at Twickenham in Middlesex and Fitzhugh's dream became a reality. But Fitzhugh's generous gesture is an indication of the degree of pious and aristocratic interest in the Swedish visionary and prophet in early fifteenth-century England

    Henry Shoobridge, Tasmania's Pioneer of Organic Farming

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    Henry Shoobridge (1874-1963) was the pioneer of organic farming in Tasmania. He was the founder and the president of the island’s earliest organics advocacy group, the Living Soil Association of Tasmania (1946- 1960). The Shoobridge family had emigrated from Kent, England in 1822 bringing with them the hops cuttings with which they established hops as a successful primary industry in Tasmania. Henry Shoobridge was schooled at The Friend’s School, the Quaker school in Hobart. The Shoobridges pioneered the farming of hops in Tasmania, and Henry followed his forebears in this work. At the age of 71 years, Henry Shoobridge founded the Living Soil Association of Tasmania (LSAT) at a public meeting in Hobart on 30 August 1946. The LSAT affiliated with the Australian Organic Farming and Gardening Society (AOFGS) which was founded in Sydney in October 1944, and with the UK’s Soil Association which was founded in England in May 1946

    Mumpsimus and Sumpsimus : the intellectual origins of a Henrician bon mot

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    Henry VIII's appearance before the assembled houses of parliament on Christmas Eve 1545 was perhaps his finest hour. In what has been called a ‘pioneer royal Christmas broadcast’, the king delivered an impassioned and eloquent speech lamenting the religious divisions that afflicted his kingdom, and urging his subjects towards unity and charity. 1 According to William Petre, the king himself wept as he recounted how ‘charity between man and man is so refrigerate’, and few of his audience could restrain themselves from doing likewise. 2 Another eye-witness, the chronicler Edward Hall, wrote down the speech ‘worde for worde, as near as I was able to report it’. This account gives details of how Henry illustrated the breakdown of fraternal love among his people: ‘the one calleth the other Hereticke and Anabaptist, and he calleth hym again, Papist, Yypocrite and Pharisey’; rival preachers inveighed against each other ‘without charity or discrecion’. To the king's mind, the blame for this deserved to be apportioned to all sides, and, to reinforce the point, Henry brought forward one of the more curious metaphors of contemporary religious discourse: ‘some be to styff in their old Mumpsimus, other be to busy and curious in their newe Sumpsimus’. 3 Recent historians of the reign have understandably devoted considerable attention to his speech, arguably the most famous of all Henry VIII's public pronouncements, and most have quoted the mumpsimus–sumpsimus idiom, with varying degrees of wry amusement. 4 Yet there has been little attempt to explain why the king should use precisely these words to epitomise the polarisation of religious positions in the early 1540s. 5 It is not always apparent from modern accounts that the terms ‘mumpsimus’ and ‘sumpsimus’ did not represent the king's own assay at faux-bucolic neologism, but were an established (though not long-established) literary trope. In the following short discussion, I hope to demonstrate how an investigation of the derivation and precedents of the phraseology employed by Henry in his Christmas speech can throw some revealing light on the processes by which religious typologies were constructed and utilised in the course of the Henrician Reformation, as well as providing some points of orientation in that most formidable of terrae incognitae, the mind of Henry VIII himself. 6 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Footnotes 1 The phrase is Diarmaid MacCulloch's: Thomas Cranmer: a life, New Haven–London 1996, 348. 2 PRO, SP 1/212, fos 110v–11r (Letters and papers, foreign and domestic, of the reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. S. Brewer, J. Gairdner and R. H. Brodie, London 1862–1910 [hereinafter cited as LP], xx/2, 1030). 3 E. Hall, Hall's Chronicle, ed. H. Ellis, London 1809, 864–5. The charge of religious name-calling was hardly new in 1545. In an earlier exhortation to unity and charity, Thomas Starkey had lamented the fact that ‘eche one in hart iugeth other to be eyther pharisee or heretyke, papist or schismatike’: An exhortation to the people instructynge them to unitie and obedience, London ?1536, fo. 27v. 4 J. J. Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, London 1968, 470–1; S. E. Lehmberg, The later parliaments of Henry VIII 1536–1547, Cambridge 1977, 229–31; S. Brigden, London and the Reformation, Oxford 1989, 378; G. R. Elton, England under the Tudors, 3rd edn, London 1991, 200; C. Haigh, English reformations: religion, politics, and society under the Tudors, Oxford 1993, 164; R. Rex, Henry VIII and the English Reformation, Basingstoke 1993, 172; MacCulloch, Cranmer, 348; G. W. Bernard, ‘The making of religious policy, 1533–1546: Henry VIII and the search for the middle way’, Historical Journal xli (1998), 348. 5 The exception here is Lehmberg, Later parliaments, 231, which notes that the phrase was derived from a 1517 treatise by Richard Pace. As I shall show, this does not give the complete picture. 6 For two recent stimulating, though contrasting, attempts to locate Henry's religious centre of gravity see Bernard, ‘The making of religious policy’; D. MacCulloch, ‘Henry VIII and the reform of the Church’, in D. MacCulloch (ed.), The reign of Henry VIII: politics, policy and piety, Basingstoke 1995, 159–80

    Volume 33, Number 2 - February 1954

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    Volume 33, Number 2 - February 1954. 53 pages including covers and advertisements. Editorial Walsh, Raymond, Marian Year McLerney, James, We\u27ve Got Rights Harte, William E., She Griffin, Philip, Harry A. Coates Iannuccilli, Albert, Experimentalism In Education Fortin, Rene, U.S.A. - Hawkers\u27 Paradise Griffin, Henry, Sonnet Griffin, Henry, Revenge Kelly, Edward T., Black Canyon

    MS-068: Henry P. Clare Letters, Co. D., 9th New York State Militia

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    This collection consists of 47 letters written by Henry P. Clare to his brother, William Keating Clare, with the exception of one letter addressed to Lieutenant Colonel M.T. McMahon, Assistant Adjutant General, and one written from a George E. Hyatt to William. The letters in this collection range from January 4, 1863 (although they are mislabeled by Henry to be January 1862) to December 6, 1863. Henry talks mostly of his life in the camp, gives his opinion of the war, and of the Army’s and the nation’s leadership. Many of the letters are sharply critical of leaders, including Lincoln, Burnside, Hooker, and Meade, and of the way the war is being handled. He admits in one letter that he is a Copperhead, although the term is not looked upon kindly in the army. Letter 18, which is written by another soldier to William, letting him know that Henry is safe after the battle of Chancellorsville, and Letter 26, dated July 5, 1863, details what Henry and his regiment experienced during the Battle of Gettysburg. He occasionally mentions other members of the 83rd, including Colonel Joseph A. Moesch, their regimental commander, with whom he seems well acquainted. Henry is quite a character, and his letters express his unique personality wonderfully, as well as giving insight into some of the politics of soldiering. Special Collections and College Archives Finding Aids are discovery tools used to describe and provide access to our holdings. Finding aids include historical and biographical information about each collection in addition to inventories of their content. More information about our collections can be found on our website http://www.gettysburg.edu/special?collections/collections/.https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/findingaidsall/1158/thumbnail.jp
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