Breast Cancer Survival, Work, and Earnings

Relying on data from the Health and Retirement Study, we examine differences between breast cancer survivors and a non-cancer control group in employment, hours worked, wages, and earnings. Overall, breast cancer has a negative impact on the decision to work. However, among survivors who work, hours of work and, correspondingly, annual earnings are higher compared to women in the non-cancer control group. These findings suggest that while breast cancer has a negative effect on women's employment, breast cancer may not be debilitating for those who remain in the work force. We explore numerous possible biases underlying our estimates especially selection based on information in the Health and Retirement Study, and examine related evidence from supplemental data sources.

Employment-Contingent Health Insurance, Illness, and Labor Supply of Women: Evidence from Married Women with Breast Cancer

We examine the effects of employment-contingent health insurance on married women's labor supply following a health shock. First, we develop a theoretical model that examines the effects of employment-contingent health insurance on the labor supply response to a health shock, to clarify under what conditions employment-contingent health insurance is likely to dampen the labor supply response. Second, we empirically evaluate this relationship using primary data. The results from our analysis find that -- as the model suggests is likely -- health shocks decrease labor supply to a greater extent among women insured by their spouse's policy than among women with health insurance through their own employer. Employment-contingent health insurance appears to create incentives to remain working and to work at a greater intensity when faced with a serious illness.

The Road from Massachusetts to Missouri: What Will It Take for Other States to Replicate Massachusetts Health Reform?

This is the published version

Gluttony and Sloth: Signs of Trouble or Evidence of Bliss?

In a model of rational agent choice in which agents value consumption and leisure as well as health, we establish that individuals, unconstrained by concerns of income or time, can and will choose levels of consumption and leisure that exceed their physiological optima. By how much they exceed the optima depends on a variety of factors, most importantly, the utility cost (benefit) of achieving health. Observed positive long-run trends in adult weight, brought on by higher levels of consumption and lower levels of physical activity, often interpreted as a public health crisis in the making, can be explained by these factors. But, rather than the trend suggesting crisis, it suggests only optimal responses to altered, and perhaps improved, circumstances. While individuals today, all else equal, may weigh more than those a generation or two ago, they also may be happier

A Macroeconomic Analysis of Publicly Funded Health Care

In a general equilibrium, overlapping generations framework this paper examines how the tax-benefit system that underlies the US health care system affects the well-being of different age groups, and the lifetime well-being of different socio-economic groups, as well as society as a whole. We find that the optimal set and generosity of publicly funded health care programs is sensitive to the social welfare function and to the prices that various agents in society pay for medical care. Social welfare under the current financing system is also compared to alternative financing mechanisms such as Medical Savings Accounts

Gluttony and Sloth: Signs of Trouble or Evidence of Bliss?

In a model of rational agent choice in which agents value consumption and leisure as well as health, we establish that individuals, unconstrained by concerns of income or time, can and will choose levels of consumption and leisure that exceed their physiological optima. By how much they exceed the optima depends on a variety of factors, most importantly, the utility cost (benefit) of achieving health. Observed positive long-run trends in adult weight, brought on by higher levels of consumption and lower levels of physical activity, often interpreted as a public health crisis in the making, can be explained by these factors. But, rather than the trend suggesting crisis, it suggests only optimal responses to altered, and perhaps improved, circumstances. While individuals today, all else equal, may weigh more than those a generation or two ago, they also may be happier

Gluttony and Sloth: Signs of Trouble or Evidence of Bliss?

In a model of rational agent choice in which agents value consumption and leisure as well as health, we establish that individuals, unconstrained by concerns of income or time, can and will choose levels of consumption and leisure that exceed their physiological optima. By how much they exceed the optima depends on a variety of factors, most importantly, the utility cost (benefit) of achieving health. Observed positive long-run trends in adult weight, brought on by higher levels of consumption and lower levels of physical activity, often interpreted as a public health crisis in the making, can be explained by these factors. But, rather than the trend suggesting crisis, it suggests only optimal responses to altered, and perhaps improved, circumstances. While individuals today, all else equal, may weigh more than those a generation or two ago, they also may be happier

The Road from Massachusetts to Missouri: What Will It Take for Other States to Replicate Massachusetts Health Reform?

In April 2006, the Massachusetts Legislature passed Chapter 58 of the Acts of 2006, An Act Providing Access to Affordable, Quality, Accountable Health Care, sweeping health reform legislation designed to achieve nearly universal health insurance coverage.1 While Massachusetts is not the first state in recent years to enact legislation intended to achieve near-universal coverage, its efforts have attracted the most national attention and the most notice from other states interested in duplicating the Massachusetts Model. Fortuitous political and budgetary circumstances converged in Massachusetts to move reform forward. First, stakeholders and elected officials worked together over a number of years to develop a political consensus that the goal of health care reform should be universal coverage-or at least near universal coverage-and that anything short of that goal would have undesirable human, financial, economic and political costs.2 Moreover, the Commonwealth already allocated over $1 billion a year to cover the costs of care for the uninsured, money that could be partially or fully shifted to help subsidize health insurance coverage for low income families in a system designed to create near universal coverage.3 Finally, the threatened loss of$385 million in federal Medicaid matching funds on July 1, 2006, helped propel the Commonwealth to quickly enact reform legislation quickly.