Economic crisis, poor governance and the rise of populism: the case of Greece

The eurozone crisis has become associated with the rise of populism across Europe as it has coincided with in- creasing electoral support for political actors who seek to return politics back to ‘the people’. This has taken place in different forms, depending on whether the country was a debtor or creditor, the salience of cultural and/or eco- nomic cleavages and other contextual factors

Voting to leave: economic insecurity and the Brexit vote

This chapter focuses on the political economy of the Brexit vote. It contributes to the debate on British Euroscepticism by examining the impact of economic insecurity. More specifically we explore the determinants of individual support for Brexit by focusing on several factors relating to economic insecurity that have all received significant attention in broader political economy debates including income, occupation, unemployment, poverty and the level and type of education. Our analysis pays particular attention to the labour market position of individuals and the labour market risks they face as we want to examine whether- and if so how- the risk of being unemployed, the risk of being in poverty and housing risk have influenced support for Brexit. We also investigate the impact of income level and source, of being in low skill occupations in areas where immigration has been particularly salient, and of having studied a higher education degree that is ‘protective’ (medicine or law)

The recent elections may have only postponed Greece’s default and Eurozone exit

Last Sunday’s elections in Greece saw the pro-bailout New Democracy party gain the largest share of the vote, reassuring many commentators who had been fearing a default by Greece or even its ejection from the Eurozone. Daphne Halikiopoulou and Sofia Vasilopoulou argue, however, that anti-bailout parties in Greece received widespread support – there is still a deep division in Greek politics. This cannot be solved until the underlying problems of corruption, nepotism and clientelism in Greece are addressed

The Far Right challenge: comment on “The Rise of Post-truth Populism in Pluralist Liberal Democracies: Challenges for Health Policy"

Speed and Mannion make a good case that the rise of populism poses significant challenges for health policy. This commentary suggests that the link between populism and health policy should be further nuanced in four ways. First, a deconstruction of the term populism itself and a focus on the far right dimension of populist politics; second, a focus on the supply side and more specifically the question of nationalism and the ‘national preference’; third, the dynamics of party competition during economic crisis; and fourth the question of policy, and more specifically the extent to which certain labour market policies are able to mediate demand for the far right

The pandemic is exposing the weaknesses of populism, but also fuelling authoritarianism

The Covid-19 pandemic may be exposing the weaknesses of populism. We should not be complacent, however, as authoritarianism is the real problem, warns Daphne Halikiopoulou (University of Reading). Covid-19 has already infected over 700,000 people worldwide (at the time of writing). Its exponential spread has placed national health systems under severe strain, it has closed borders, and grounded airlines. How may we assess the political implications of this global crisis, especially given that it comes at a time when populists who thrive on the tensions between international initiatives and the ‘national preference’, are in charge in many countries

Why far right party success is about alliances between voters with different immigration grievances, and not just about culture

Support for the far right is often explained with reference to a ‘cultural backlash’ against cosmopolitanism, globalisation and immigration. Drawing on a new study, Daphne Halikiopoulou and Tim Vlandas explain that while these cultural explanations have some merit, there has been a tendency to overlook the importance of economic concerns about immigration for the electoral success of far right parties

The changing dynamics of religion and national identity: Greece and Ireland in a comparative perspective

It is widely accepted among secularisation theorists (Wilson 1966,1982; Dobbelaere, 1981; Berger 1981; Bruce, 1999,2002) that the more modern a society becomes, the more likely it is to secularise - i.e. the social and political significance of religion will most likely diminish. At the opposite end of the theoretical debate, scholarly work seeking to explain the recent phenomenon of the re-affirmation of religious values argues that the consequence of modernisation is not secularisation but rather the resurgence of religion (Huntington, 1996; Kepel, 1994; Juergensmeyer, 1993, 2000). With religion gaining salience in some societies but losing ground in others, this ongoing debate appears more critical than ever. The cases of Ireland and Greece are pertinent examples: The Republic of Ireland is experiencing secularising tendencies and the legitimacy of the Church is being increasingly challenged, while in Greece the role of religion remains strong, if not strengthened in recent years, and the legitimacy of the Church is maintained. For secularisation theorists, failure to secularise is likely in instances where there is an explicit link between religion and nationalism-'Cultural defence' or the 'nationalist pattern' (Martin, 1978). But while both cases constitute instances of cultural defence, Ireland is now secularising. This is precisely the puzzle this thesis is concerned with: where traditionally religion, culture and politics are linked, under what circumstances does religion cease to play a politicised and mobilising role, and under what circumstances is this role retained or even strengthened? This thesis argues that the answer can be found precisely in the nature of the nationalist pattern. Rather than being a monolithic model, there are significant variations within the pattern itself: religious based national identities, like all national identities, are fluid, not static. The dynamics of national identity change are dependent on two interlinked variables:(a) the degree to which a Church obstructs modernisation, and (b) external threat perceptions. This thesis will attempt to illustrate the inter-relationship between the above dynamics through a thematic comparison between Greece and Ireland. This model may be used to explain not only what accounts for the variations between the Greek and Irish cases, but also more generally to identify the conditions under which religion may remain or cease to be politically active and legitimate in societies where secularisation has been inhibited given a strong identification of religion with the nation

Syriza won with a radical left programme, but keeping the middle class on side may be key to retaining power

Syriza won power in the Greek elections on 25 January, however the new Greek government faces significant challenges both in terms of the country’s domestic situation and negotiations with its European partners. Daphne Halikiopoulou and Sofia Vasilopoulou write on the key policies that are likely to be pursued in the aftermath of the elections. They note that while much will depend on reaching a deal over the repayment of Greek debt, retaining the support of the middle class voters who backed Syriza in the election will also be critical at the domestic level

The rise of the Golden Dawn is not a natural consequence of the economic crisis, but a reflection of wider problems in Greek society

Last month Greek authorities arrested several members of the right-wing Golden Dawn following a number of incidents, including the murder of a left-wing activist. Daphne Halikiopoulou and Sofia Vasilopoulou argue that attempts to crackdown on the party are not only justified, but should have taken place earlier. They note that the implication of several police and army officers in the arrests suggests a wider problem in Greek society, and that the party’s rise to prominence should not be seen as a simple reaction to the economic crisis

Democracy and discontent: the multifaceted appeal of the far right

What role does discontent with democracy play in support for the far right? Drawing on new research, Daphne Halikiopoulou and Sofia Vasilopoulou show that democratic discontent can fuel support for far-right parties, but this relationship varies depending on voters’ attitudes toward immigration