Di padre in figlia, le eredi del vino a Nordest. La riproduzione sociale delle aziende familiari vinicole in un'ottica di genere

Family businesses are the prevailing economic organizations in Veneto region, where the research took place. They are especially representative of made in Italy recognized productions as wine. The intergenerational handover is the focus of many studies committed to avoid the "decline of social capital" (Putnam, 1995) of the area, whereas entrepreneurial families (and their ethos, practical knowledge, capital) are considered one of its cornerstones. My study aims to observe this process from a gender perspective, undertaking a Pierre Bourdieu approach. The empirical research is based on the collection and analysis of 32 in-depth interviews with members of family businesses (fathers and daughters) representative of 15 case studies (12 intergenerational handovers and 3 âfirst generationâ female entrepreneurs). We involved also expert qualified witnesses (working in wine business but with a de-centred view on wine family businesses) for further three interviews. The analysis is therefore based on 35 in-depth interviews: they are in between of "life stories" (Bertaux, 1999) and "focused interviews" (Merton, 1987). The cases were chosen with a theoretical sampling (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), referring to the main dimensions of 'transmission' identified. It has been possible to observe different trajectories of the same "class situation" (Bertaux, 1999) constituted by the transmission from father to daughter. The four main dimensions are: a) business or corporation material legacy; b) embodiment of different types of entrepreneurial practice; c) positioning processes in family and firms; d) work-life balance and gendered work division observed in the process of family reproduction. The territory where the research took place sees a progressive growth of women entrepreneurship in terms of ownership: in Veneto about 24% of farms are registered in women's name (ISTAT Census, 2011), compared to 21,5% of overall entrepreneurship (Angelini, Girardi, Marzella, Olive, Toschi, 2012). This work aims to how daughters incorporate the substantial position of leadership in the family business: a position that has historically been associated with fathers / husbands or other male figures. The theoretical approach adopted considers entrepreneurial motivations, stakes and incorporations of practices and professional positions as expressions of gender habitus (Bourdieu, 1983 & 1998) situated both in family and firm. We are situated in a field of ambivalences. In an historically masculine order we find the representation of equal "gender contracts" (Pateman, 1988) that tend to place women in the structural position of "outsider within" (Collins, 1986). Gender relations are organized by the ambivalence of "domination" and "freedom" (Bimbi, 2013) and family businesses are particularly interesting to analyze: located on the border of public and private spheres they seems to favor a easier work-life balance for some figures of women entrepreneurs (Jones, 2005) even if those organizations have to organize an intensive cycle of production and reproduction (Mingione, 1997) exposed to market forces. In some studies the organizational autonomy related to the ownership of the company is recognized as one of the specific reasons for women to choose to engage in entrepreneurship (De Vita, 2009). Reading the conciliation of work and family across the generational handover, related to the arrangements of the intensive production/reproduction cycle (Mingione, 1997), it's possible to observe the matter of recognition (Fraser, 2008; Pizzorno, 1988) of women-heirs as entrepreneurs and their exposure to habitus tensions. The problem of the daughter's double presence (Balbo, 1978; Bimbi, 1985; Mingione, 2010) is one (not the only one) of the dissonances between the gender of the entrepreneur and the gender of the organization (Bruni, Gherardi and Poggio, 2000). Tensions are often solved pragmatically with compromises and organizational creativity in the practices of everyday life, thanks to the resources social actors can rely on (economic, but also social, as family support). The separation between living spaces and spaces for the production is another structural element to consider with respect to ease of pragmatic arrangements. This work aim is to understand how gender and class intersect to define some typical or socially viable path for women-heirs in search of recognition, considering entitlements (Mayor, 1993) and capabilities (Nussbaum, 2000) recognized on the basis of gender stereotypes and observed in family discourse. We adopt a diachronic perspective, both in the choice of the object of study (the intergenerational handover), and considering gender as embodied habitus, in line with the historical sociology of Bourdieu (Bennett, 2005). The concept of "symbolic violence" (Bourdieu, 1998) is thus a very important analytical tool to understand the processes of reproduction of the âorder of thingsâ (Bourdieu, 1979). This approach, in our opinion, makes it possible to hold together different aspects, often separated in gender research on entrepreneurship. They refer to material processes, symbolic and ideological foundations of the family as a "body" with its reproductive tendency, and the family seen as "field", with its conflicts and positions (Bourdieu, 1995). The 'public family' of the firm is kept together by property and inheritance (the vertical family, represented by those working in the business). In this way we can observe how the incorporation of gender and, at the same time, professional habitus is arranged in everyday practices in masculine dominated social institutions. The family we speak of, considering the often long times of cohabitation in the business, it is an intersection between different households. To read family and economic life as interrelated fields can enrich the use of the concept of social capital reading the reproduction of gender inequalities. We can observe how the institution of gender structures the possibilities to acquire social goods and recognition in a circular process where positions and competences, or capabilities, go hand by hand (Sennett, 2006). We try to go beyond an abstract idea of equal opportunities. Focusing on the reproduction of the two fields considered (business and family) held together by property and inheritance, transgressions and boundaries of empowered gender identities is observed by situating them in the intertwining of family discourse and the strategies of the social actors involve

Raccontare l'omofobia in Italia. Genesi e sviluppi di una parola chiave

Il concetto di omofobia emerge all’inizio degli anni Settanta del secolo scorso e rapidamente si impone come strumento scientifico per interrogare ciò che prima della sua invenzione era ritenuto normale, ovvero l’avversione sociale verso le persone gay e lesbiche. Altrettanto rapidamente, esso oltrepassa i confini della comunità scientifica per entrare nei linguaggi del confronto politico e della vita quotidiana, diventando una «parola chiave» utilizzabile per diversi scopi e al servizio di molti interessi. Il libro analizza l’entrata e la diffusione di questo termine in alcuni contesti discorsivi relativi all’Italia o che hanno ricadute sull’Italia: l’ambito della socio-logia e della psicologia sociale, quello della vita quotidiana di persone gay, lesbiche ed eterosessuali che vivono in Italia, quello della politica raccontata dai mass-media nazionali e dagli attivisti LGBT di alcune regioni italiane. Lo scopo consiste nel gettare luce sugli usi pratici del concetto di omofobia e sui significati che esso assume per chi lo utilizza. A cosa ci si riferisce quando si discute di omofobia? In quali dibattiti questo termine risulta efficace? I risultati mostrano che, tanto nella ricerca scientifica quanto nel linguaggio comune, l’omofobia configura un modo per raccontare l’ostilità anti-omosessuale che la lega ai processi di modernizzazione – invocati o criticati – di diversi settori della società italiana

\u201cRagazze mie, bisogna andare avanti\u201d. Riflessioni bourdesiane sulla trasmissione d\u2019impresa di padre in figlia

In this short essay I reflect on some theoretical issues that emerged from a research on generational transmission of family wineries (twelve case studies) in Veneto. The research was based on thirty-five in-depth interviews, in the form of life stories, and focuses on the experience of fathers and daughters reasoning about inheritance and business continuity. Working on the theoretical tools proposed by Pierre Bourdieu, I explore the intersection between family social reproduction, formal equal opportunities discourses and patrilineal cultures of business transfer. Building on results, I discuss the social representations of \u201corder\u201d by the protagonists, highlighting a use of the concept of habitus as instrument to investigate the gender sub-text of the practical knowledge embedded in a social field

Narrating Homophobia In Italy. Institutionalization of a neologism between 1979 and 2007

The heuristic value of the term \u2018homophobia\u2019 has been highly criticized in literature. Nevertheless, the word has known a relevant institutional and popular success, working as an \u2018umbrella\u2019 concept also for a growing bulk of psycho-sociological research. Recently, taking in account its ambivalence, researchers focus more and more on the performative effects of (anti)homophobia discourses, policies and practical uses, independently from \u2018expert\u2019 codifications. This paper moves in the same direction, investigating the trajectory of the neologism \u2018omofobia\u2019 in the most widespread national newspaper (\u2018Il Corriere della sera\u2019). We collected a sample of 422 articles, going from 1979 (first appearance) until the end of 2007 (its \u2018consecration\u2019). Through this period we follow two well known processes: the shift from grassroots activism to mainstream politics, on one side, and the ambivalent framing of \u2018homophobia\u2019 into a \u2018urban crime\u2019 debate, on the other. Applying both content and discourse analysis, we discuss the ambivalent effects of (anti)homophobia appropriations by different \u2018communities of interpretation\u2019. The analysis has detected a plurality of voices and meanings, but also temporary convergences on quasi-hegemonic practical definitions. Results concern two parallel and related levels: first, we observe how the strategic use of public alarms, and a particular political configuration, created a space to ask for more protection by the state for Lgbt subjects. Second, we consider how \u2018(anti)homophobia\u2019 was progressively declined in a hate crimes paradigm, while entering in the political field, with very relevant consequences for its normative re-interpretation

Di padre in figlia, le eredi del vino a Nordest. La riproduzione sociale delle aziende familiari vinicole in un'ottica di genere

Family businesses are the prevailing economic organizations in Veneto region, where the research took place. They are especially representative of made in Italy recognized productions as wine. The intergenerational handover is the focus of many studies committed to avoid the "decline of social capital" (Putnam, 1995) of the area, whereas entrepreneurial families (and their ethos, practical knowledge, capital) are considered one of its cornerstones. My study aims to observe this process from a gender perspective, undertaking a Pierre Bourdieu approach. The empirical research is based on the collection and analysis of 32 in-depth interviews with members of family businesses (fathers and daughters) representative of 15 case studies (12 intergenerational handovers and 3 âfirst generationâ female entrepreneurs). We involved also expert qualified witnesses (working in wine business but with a de-centred view on wine family businesses) for further three interviews. The analysis is therefore based on 35 in-depth interviews: they are in between of "life stories" (Bertaux, 1999) and "focused interviews" (Merton, 1987). The cases were chosen with a theoretical sampling (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), referring to the main dimensions of 'transmission' identified. It has been possible to observe different trajectories of the same "class situation" (Bertaux, 1999) constituted by the transmission from father to daughter. The four main dimensions are: a) business or corporation material legacy; b) embodiment of different types of entrepreneurial practice; c) positioning processes in family and firms; d) work-life balance and gendered work division observed in the process of family reproduction. The territory where the research took place sees a progressive growth of women entrepreneurship in terms of ownership: in Veneto about 24% of farms are registered in women's name (ISTAT Census, 2011), compared to 21,5% of overall entrepreneurship (Angelini, Girardi, Marzella, Olive, Toschi, 2012). This work aims to how daughters incorporate the substantial position of leadership in the family business: a position that has historically been associated with fathers / husbands or other male figures. The theoretical approach adopted considers entrepreneurial motivations, stakes and incorporations of practices and professional positions as expressions of gender habitus (Bourdieu, 1983 & 1998) situated both in family and firm. We are situated in a field of ambivalences. In an historically masculine order we find the representation of equal "gender contracts" (Pateman, 1988) that tend to place women in the structural position of "outsider within" (Collins, 1986). Gender relations are organized by the ambivalence of "domination" and "freedom" (Bimbi, 2013) and family businesses are particularly interesting to analyze: located on the border of public and private spheres they seems to favor a easier work-life balance for some figures of women entrepreneurs (Jones, 2005) even if those organizations have to organize an intensive cycle of production and reproduction (Mingione, 1997) exposed to market forces. In some studies the organizational autonomy related to the ownership of the company is recognized as one of the specific reasons for women to choose to engage in entrepreneurship (De Vita, 2009). Reading the conciliation of work and family across the generational handover, related to the arrangements of the intensive production/reproduction cycle (Mingione, 1997), it's possible to observe the matter of recognition (Fraser, 2008; Pizzorno, 1988) of women-heirs as entrepreneurs and their exposure to habitus tensions. The problem of the daughter's double presence (Balbo, 1978; Bimbi, 1985; Mingione, 2010) is one (not the only one) of the dissonances between the gender of the entrepreneur and the gender of the organization (Bruni, Gherardi and Poggio, 2000). Tensions are often solved pragmatically with compromises and organizational creativity in the practices of everyday life, thanks to the resources social actors can rely on (economic, but also social, as family support). The separation between living spaces and spaces for the production is another structural element to consider with respect to ease of pragmatic arrangements. This work aim is to understand how gender and class intersect to define some typical or socially viable path for women-heirs in search of recognition, considering entitlements (Mayor, 1993) and capabilities (Nussbaum, 2000) recognized on the basis of gender stereotypes and observed in family discourse. We adopt a diachronic perspective, both in the choice of the object of study (the intergenerational handover), and considering gender as embodied habitus, in line with the historical sociology of Bourdieu (Bennett, 2005). The concept of "symbolic violence" (Bourdieu, 1998) is thus a very important analytical tool to understand the processes of reproduction of the âorder of thingsâ (Bourdieu, 1979). This approach, in our opinion, makes it possible to hold together different aspects, often separated in gender research on entrepreneurship. They refer to material processes, symbolic and ideological foundations of the family as a "body" with its reproductive tendency, and the family seen as "field", with its conflicts and positions (Bourdieu, 1995). The 'public family' of the firm is kept together by property and inheritance (the vertical family, represented by those working in the business). In this way we can observe how the incorporation of gender and, at the same time, professional habitus is arranged in everyday practices in masculine dominated social institutions. The family we speak of, considering the often long times of cohabitation in the business, it is an intersection between different households. To read family and economic life as interrelated fields can enrich the use of the concept of social capital reading the reproduction of gender inequalities. We can observe how the institution of gender structures the possibilities to acquire social goods and recognition in a circular process where positions and competences, or capabilities, go hand by hand (Sennett, 2006). We try to go beyond an abstract idea of equal opportunities. Focusing on the reproduction of the two fields considered (business and family) held together by property and inheritance, transgressions and boundaries of empowered gender identities is observed by situating them in the intertwining of family discourse and the strategies of the social actors involvedLe aziende familiari rappresentano un modello organizzativo molto rilevante in Veneto, dove si situa questa ricerca, soprattutto nei settori rappresentativi del made in Italy come quello del vino. Il tema dei passaggi generazionali è quindi al centro di numerosi studi di tipo applicativo che si propongono di evitare il 'declino del capitale sociale' (Putnam, 1995) del territorio che vede nelle famiglie imprenditoriali (ethos, saperi pratici, capitali) uno dei suoi capisaldi. Questa ricerca si propone di osservare i passaggi generazionali d'azienda chiedendosi come avvenga la riproduzione delle famiglie imprenditoriali in un'ottica di genere, proponendo un percorso che fa proprio l'approccio di Bourdieu. Il lavoro si basa sulla raccolta e l'analisi di trentadue interviste in profondità  rivolte a membri di aziende familiari (padri e figlie) rappresentative di quindici casi aziendali (12 passaggi generazionali, tre imprenditrici di prima generazione), e con il coinvolgimento di altre figure espressive (lavoratrici del settore con uno sguardo 'decentrato') per ulteriori tre interviste. L'analisi si basa dunque su trentacinque interviste in profondità  nella forma di 'racconti di vita' (Bertaux, 1999) e 'interviste focalizzate' (Merton, 1987). L'insieme degli studi di caso è stato costruito man mano con scelte ragionate (theoretical sampling) (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) rispetto ai quattro macro-temi individuati e connessi sia al processo del passaggio generazionale, sia all'imprenditoria di genere. Si sono quindi analizzate diverse traiettorie di una medesima 'categoria di situazione' (Bertaux, 1999) costituita dalla trasmissione d'impresa di padre in figlia. I quattro macro-temi connessi alla trasmissione d'azienda sono: a) eredità  materiale d'impresa o di capitali; b) modelli d'incorporazione di diversi tipi di pratiche del lavoro; c) strutturazione delle posizioni familiari e aziendali; d) divisione del lavoro di cura e conciliazione tra lavoro e famiglia. Il contesto territoriale in cui si situa la ricerca vede la progressiva crescita dell'imprenditoria delle donne in termini di titolarità : in Veneto circa il 24% delle aziende agricole è intestato a donne (Censimento ISTAT, 2011), rispetto al 21,5% dell'imprenditoria complessiva (Angelini, Girardi, Marzella, Oliva, Toschi, 2012). La ricerca si propone di indagare i processi e i modi con cui le figlie riescono a incorporare la posizione sostanziale e simbolica di leadership dell'azienda, posizione che è stata storicamente associata a padri/mariti o comunque a figure maschili della famiglia. Nell'approccio teorico adottato si considerano motivazioni imprenditoriali, poste in gioco e incorporazioni di pratiche e posizioni professionali come espressioni di habitus di genere (Bourdieu, 1983 & 1998) che si strutturano nell'intersezione dei due campi, quello familiare e quello della vita economica. L'analisi si pone in uno spazio ricco di ambivalenze tra un ordine storicamente androcentrico e 'contratti di genere' pensati come paritari (Pateman, 1988), dove le donne tendono a parlare dallo standpoint di 'outsider within' (Collins, 1986). Le relazioni di genere sono quindi strutturate dalle ambivalenze di 'dominio' e 'libertà' (Bimbi, 2013) e trovano nell'azienda familiare un caso esemplare d'analisi: l'organizzazione, situata tra sfera pubblica e sfera privata, sembra poter favorire pragmaticamente una più facile conciliazione per alcune figure di donne imprenditrici (Jones, 2005) ma deve organizzarsi, esposta alle forze di mercato, per conciliare un ciclo intensivo di produzione e riproduzione (Mingione, 1997). In alcune ricerche l'autonomia organizzativa connessa alla proprietà  d'impresa è riconosciuta tra le motivazioni specifiche delle donne che scelgono di fare le imprenditrici (De Vita, 2010). Proprio leggendo la conciliazione lavoro-famiglia attraverso il passaggio generazionale che riguarda arrangiamenti consolidati di un ciclo intensivo di produzione e riproduzione è possibile osservare come il riconoscimento (Fraser, 2008; Pizzorno, 1988) delle donne-eredi le esponga a tensioni dell'habitus rimandabili al problema della doppia presenza (Balbo, 1987; Bimbi, 1985; Mingione, Pugliese, 2010) e alla dissonanza tra genere dell'imprenditrice e genere dell'impresa (Bruni, Gherardi, Poggio, 2000). Le tensioni sono spesso risolte pragmaticamente con i compromessi e la creatività  organizzativa nelle pratiche di vita quotidiana, grazie al senso della posizione familiare, rispetto agli entitlements attesi (Major, 1993), o al possesso di diversi tipi di risorse (economiche o di sostegno familiare). L'avvenuta, o meno, separazione tra spazi di vita e spazi per la produzione costituisce un altro presupposto da considerare rispetto alla facilità  degli arrangiamenti pragmatici. In questo lavoro ci si propone di indagare come genere e classe s'intersechino nel definire alcuni percorsi tipici o socialmente praticabili per le eredi d'impresa in cerca di riconoscimento, considerando entitlements e capabilities (Nussbaum, 2000) riconosciuti in base a stereotipi di genere e osservati nel discorso familiare. Si adotta una prospettiva diacronica sia per la scelta dell'oggetto di studio (il passaggio generazionale), sia per la concezione del genere come habitus incarnato, vettore attivo di pratiche creative, ma anche incorporazione del discorso dominante, in linea con la sociologia storica di Bourdieu (Bennett, 2005). Il concetto di 'violenza simbolica' (Bourdieu, 1998) costituisce quindi uno strumento analitico molto rilevante per capire i processi analizzati. Quest'approccio, a nostro avviso, permette di tenere insieme diversi aspetti, spesso scorporati nelle ricerche di genere sullâimprenditorialità , che riguardano i processi materiali, simbolici e ideologici della famiglia come 'corpo', e il suo conato riproduttivo (Bourdieu, 1974) e della famiglia come 'campo', con i suoi conflitti e posizioni. La famiglia di cui si parla, dati i tempi lunghi della convivenza in azienda, è spesso unâintersezione tra diversi nuclei familiari, che si solidifica e si rappresenta attorno all'azienda e alla proprietà  (la famiglia in verticale, e rappresentata da chi lavora in azienda). Leggendo il campo dei rapporti familiari/aziendali come un'economia simbolica complessa cambia anche il significato del costrutto di capitale sociale rispetto all'imprenditorialità  del territorio. Si può osservare come l'istituzione del genere strutturi le possibilità  di acquisire beni sociali e riconoscimento in un processo continuo di costruzione delle posizioni e delle competenze (Sennett, 2006), andando oltre un approccio astratto delle pari opportunità. Puntando lo sguardo sulla riproduzione dei due campi (azienda e famiglia) tenuti assieme da proprietà  ed eredità, si possono osservare trasgressioni e confini delle identità  di genere situandoli nell'intreccio tra discorso familiare e strategie degli attori sociali coinvolt