Refraiming Subsidiarity Inquiry Form: From an "EU Value-Added" to an "EU non encroachment test"?: Some Insights From National Parliaments Reasoned Opinion

The principle of subsidiarity was introduced within European Treaties to prevent EU’s increasing competences from encroaching upon the power of lower levels of government. Nevertheless, the way in which the principle of subsidiarity has been operationalized (through so called “comparative efficiency test”) has decisively favored EU action, which is usually deemed to be the most suitable to achieve European objectives. This paper aims at assessing: first, if and to what extent national Parliaments, as national actors exercising their monitoring functions in the context of the early warning system, could reframe subsidiarity inquiry from a “comparative efficiency test” to a sort of “non encroachment (upon Member States) test”; second, if and to what extent Art. 4.2 TEU, aimed at protecting Member States national identities and essential State functions, could help in this respect. To this purpose, several national Parliament’s reasoned opinions mentioning the concept of national identities will be analysed.The principle of subsidiarity was introduced within European Treaties to prevent EU’s increasing competences from encroaching upon the power of lower levels of government. Nevertheless, the way in which the principle of subsidiarity has been operationalized (through so called “comparative efficiency test”) has decisively favored EU action, which is usually deemed to be the most suitable to achieve European objectives. This paper aims at assessing: first, if and to what extent national Parliaments, as national actors exercising their monitoring functions in the context of the early warning system, could reframe subsidiarity inquiry from a “comparative efficiency test” to a sort of “non encroachment (upon Member States) test”; second, if and to what extent Art. 4.2 TEU, aimed at protecting Member States national identities and essential State functions, could help in this respect. To this purpose, several national Parliament’s reasoned opinions mentioning the concept of national identities will be analysed.Refereed Working Papers / of international relevanc

Principio di unità, referendum consultivi regionali e sovranità frammentata

Il contributo analizza il dibattito regionalista in Assemblea costituente, teso tra le ragioni dell'unità e quelle dell'autonomia. Nonostante la scelta del costituente di dotare le Regioni di autonomia legislativa e fornire loro determinate garanzie costituzionali, il principio di unità sembrerebbe rappresentare una sorta di "limite logico" ad uno sviluppo delle autonomie che possa declinarsi in chiave anti-unitaria. Per dimostrare tale assunto, il contributo si sofferma sulla giurisprudenza costituzionale in materia di istanze indipendentistiche delle regioni, sovranità frammentata e referendum consultivi regionali

La Conferenza sul futuro dell’Europa tra democrazia rappresentativa, partecipativa e di prossimità

La Conferenza sul futuro dell’Europa conferma che le declinazioni sovranazionali del principio democratico non si esauriscono nei canali della rappresentanza, ma trovano nella partecipazione dei cittadini un’ulteriore fonte di legittimazione del processo di integrazione. Dopo aver analizzato l’architettura istituzionale della Conferenza, mettendo in luce la democrazia nella Conferenza, il contributo esamina la democrazia proposta dalla Conferenza, passando in rassegna le principali raccomandazioni emerse dalla Plenaria in merito alle questioni istituzionali, alle procedure decisionali, e al coinvolgimento delle autonomie territoriali. Infine, il contributo si sofferma sui potenziali esiti della Conferenza, evidenziando quanto e le sue future prospettive siano imbrigliate da un conflitto interistituzionale tra i fautori di una modifica dei trattati e i sostenitori di un approccio pragmatico che implementi le proposte della Conferenza “a trattati vigenti”

The New Italian Government between Break and Continuity

After exploring the sound constitutional basis of Italian membership to the EU, the chapter analyses if and to what extent the Eurosceptic platforms of the League and of the Five Stars Movement winning the 2018 elections can affect the longstanding cooperative attitude of the Italian Government towards the EU. The article, after analyzing some case studies such as the approval of the 2019 budget under the shadow of an infringement procedure against Italy and reflecting upon the Italian institutional balance between the executive and the legislative power, argues that the friendly relationship between Italy and the EU was secured by the “impartial” role of President Conte who tempered the Eurosceptic wave

The unexpectedly talkative "dumb son": the Italian Constitutional Court's dialogue with the European Court of Justice in protecting temporary workers' rights in the public education sector

Judicial cooperation – Italian Constitutional Court – National Constitutional Courts’ attitude towards preliminary reference to the European Court of Justice – First and second preliminary reference of the Italian Constitutional Court in indirect proceedings – Constitutional review of national legislation inconsistent with EU law – Relationship between EU law and constitutional concerns – Added value of Constitutional Courts in protecting constitutional identity – Multilevel protection of fundamental rights – EU Framework agreement on fixed-term work and European Court of Justice case law – Italian legislation on fixed-term work – Italian legislation on recruitment in State schools – Abuse arising from the use of successive fixed-term employment contracts – Judicial defence of workers’ rights – Cooperation between judges and legislators – Balancing between social rights and budgetary constraints – Mascolocase – Taricco cas

Potestà regolamentare e riparto di competenze legislative tra dettato costituzionale e prassi giurisprudenziale

L’articolo esamina il riparto di potestà regolamentare tra Stato e Regioni, analizzando le evoluzioni del quadro costituzionale, significativamente mutato nel 2001 a seguito della riforma del Titolo V, parte seconda della Costituzione e del novellato art. 117, comma 6. Mentre tale articolo poteva essere finalizzato a garantire quello che la Corte Costituzionale definì un “riparto così rigidamente strutturato” da escludere senza riserve la potestà regolamentare dello Stato nelle materie di competenza legislativa delle Regioni, l’analisi della giurisprudenza costituzionale successiva alla riforma del 2001 dimostrerà che l’incursione della potestà regolamentare statale è ancora molto diffusa e in parte legata al quadro poco nitido del riparto di competenze tra Stato e Regioni delineato dalla riforma